51st National Conference: Report of the Secretary General
16 December 2002
This Organisational report accounts for the programme of the movement over
the five years since our 50th National Conference held in December 1997, in
Mafikeng. It reports on work done to implement the Conference resolutions,
evaluates our strengths and weaknesses and makes recommendations on how to
strengthen the capacity of the ANC.
The first part of the report gives a broad account and takes stock of our work
during the last five years. It is complemented by detailed reports from provinces,
the Leagues and structures of the NEC, contained in the Annexure to this report.
This information should enable delegates to Conference to measure our performance
and map out the way ahead enabling us to effectively discharge our historic
SECTION 1: ORGANISATIONAL OVERVIEW OF THE LAST FIVE
The ANC was formed "to unite the African people in a powerful
and effective instrument to secure their own complete liberation from all
forms of discrimination and national oppression." (1919 Constitution).
Over the years, it has embraced non-racialism and non-sexism and defined
the strategic objective of the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) as the
creation of a united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous
The primary role of the ANC therefore remains the mobilisation of all classes
and strata that objectively stand to gain from the cause of social change.
The strategic objective and the motive forces of our struggle inform the
unique character of the ANC, which it has been sustained over the 90 years
of its existence. The objective environment in which it operates, also influences
how the movement takes forward this primary mission. At Mafikeng we recognised
that the context was vastly different from the preceding eighty-five years,
with many new and complex dynamics.
The movement has succeeded in setting South African society on a course
of transformation. It has defined the main tasks of our society and of the
motive forces for change. Because of what it stands for and its track record,
the ANC has emerged as the leader of the progressive and democratic forces
in the country.
As a mass movement and the governing party, we are expanding and deepening
the power of the democratic forces in all centres critical to the National
Democratic Revolution and making steady progress in improving the quality
of our peoples lives. The overwhelming majority of South Africans, black
and white, support our efforts to build a united nation and a better life
for all. The ANCs consistent internationalism has seen it emerge as a champion
of Africa and for the creation of a more humane and equitable world order.
This historic course we are charting requires that the ANC remains true
to its character as a revolutionary democratic organisation that works for
fundamental change; a non-racial and non-sexist movement determined to bring
an end to the legacy of apartheid social relations and patriarchal relations
in all facets of life; a broad national democratic movement that represents
all the forces that pursue social transformation; a mass movement that brings
into its ranks as many South Africans as possible who accept its principles
and policies; a leader of the democratic forces that unites our people and
as a champion of progressive internationalism. The confidence and expectations
of our people, the African continent and the progressive forces in the world,
place an obligation on the ANC to build its capacity as an effective instrument
for change and good governance.
The five years since the 50th Conference have been characterised by the
strengthening of the mass character of the ANC and its capacity to provide
leadership to society. Our annual January 8 statements and the Presidents
State of the Nation assessments are key vehicles for this task. We have
significantly improved coordination between organisational and governance
work, and achieved a more focused approach to the international obligations
of the movement in the context of the African renaissance and building a
However, we have also recognised a number of weaknesses in our movement,
brought to the fore by the changing environment and relationships. Our entry
into government in 1994 saw many cadres move from full-time organisational
work into various functions in government and parliament. While this extended
our potential to reach out to communities and various sectors, this potential
was not always fully exploited to do ongoing political work within the Alliance
and broader democratic forces. The ANC since inception was an instrument
at the service of our people. And yet, in the new conditions, some within
our ranks regard the movement as an instrument to serve narrow self-interest
The 50th National Conference at Mafikeng was an important moment in the
history of our movement, coming as it did three years after the democratic
breakthrough of 1994. It allowed us to reflect on the immediate and new
challenges of governance, of building national unity and consolidating our
democracy. It set signposts for our movement to strengthen its role as a
truly non-racial, progressive and revolutionary movement for change.
The National General Council (NGC), held in July 2000, took this a step
further. As one of the largest political schools of the movement, with its
theme ANC agent for Change, it allowed for wide-ranging debates on the progress
made since 1994. It recognized that the wide front of struggle, opened by
the democratic breakthrough had the potential of dissipating focus. The
NGC therefore asked the questions: have the revolutionary forces fully understood
the historic moment and does the movement have the cadreship to carry out
its objectives on all fronts?
In response to these questions, the NGC decided that we should maintain
and deepen the revolutionary traditions of the organisation. The ANC, for
over 90 years, remained a peoples movement with the capacity for internal
renewal and constant learning. This includes, for instance:
- The ability to adapt to the demands of the moment, to mobilise our
people, to identify and seize decisive moments and to place the organisation
at the head of whatever challenges we face;
- Encouraging enquiring minds, wide-ranging internal debates on ideological
questions, on the critical issues facing the country, and discouraging
- Building the widest possible unity amongst the motive forces and those
struggling for a better life.
- The confidence that the ANC has in the masses of our people, ensuring
that it always places the needs of the people first in whatever it does.
- Steadfastness to principle and seeking sustainable solutions to problems.
- The internationalist character of the movement, learning from relevant
international best practice.
- The ability to adapt to the demands of the moment, to mobilise our
- Members and cadres across the country engaged and answered the question:
what are the immediate tasks and the role of each member and cadre to build
the ANC as an agent for change? The Declaration of the NGC summed up the revolutionary
character of the movement:
"The ANC is our family, our home, built on the foundations of
mutual respect, decency, trust and open discussion. When we argue amongst
ourselves, we do so inside the home. When we celebrate our achievements
and goals, we dance before the world! Our patience is rooted in the realisation
that we grow together but we will be firm with the unruly who attempt to
disrupt our progress. We welcome strangers at our door, and will teach them
the ways of the ANC, so that they too can benefit as we benefit from the
collective wisdom of our traditions, our forebears, and our developing membership.
With humble strength and deep pride we repeat the words of former generations
of freedom fighters because they are also our own: Asinamona; asinanzondo;
siyayidumisa i-ANC! The ANC lives! Its policy lives!
Like the Kabwe Consultative Conference in 1985, the NGC resulted in a qualitative
step forward in the development and direction of our movement.
- As we prepare for the 51st Conference, we are mindful that the First Decade
of Freedom ending in 2004 and the centenary of the ANC in 2012 are upon us.
The policy review process critically evaluated whether we are making progress
in creating a better life for all our people. The Draft Resolutions make recommendations
to this Conference on how to improve our policies and programmes to move more
decisively to address the legacy of apartheid and build a united nation.
A recurrent question that all our structures have grappled with as we
prepared for 51st Conference is: how do we reinforce the capacity of the
ANC, in the context of the changing environment and given the subjective
strengths and weaknesses we have identified. The NEC appointed a task team
to look at the overall organisational design of the movement. The task team
has not yet completed its mandate, but this report will reflect on some
issues arising from its preliminary findings. Robust discussions took place
in branches, regions and provinces on the impact of realignment on our structures
and proposals will be made of amendments to our Constitution to enable the
successful completion of this process.
The provinces, Leagues, NEC committees, government clusters and Headquarters
submitted reports on their work over the last five years. These reports,
which we table here as the Organisational report, should enable delegates
to Conference to assess critically and honestly the implementation of the
strategic vision and resolutions of the Mafikeng Conference.
The 51st Conference in 2002 is held under the theme: PEOPLE`S POWER IN
ACTION. PHAMBILI MAVOLONTIYA. AFRIKA KE NAKO. It builds on the theme of
the 1997 Mafikeng Conference, where we emphasized the need to consolidate
peoples power. We were newly elected to office, and had to clearly identify
and communicate to our people the tasks of the moment. We are meeting in
2002, having laid the foundations for the fundamental transformation of
our society. The challenge we now face is improving implementation so that
we translate policy into actual fundamental social change. This requires
a renewed emphasis to develop our structures and cadres as implementers
of social change, to strengthen links with the people and ensure the involvement
of our people in changing their lives for the better. To achieve this requires
that we strengthen and deepen our national identity, values and democracy
and continue to play our role on the African continent.
Above all, this Conference affords the democratic and progressive forces
the opportunity to define a programme that will lead us into the Second
Decade of Freedom (2004-2014) and the Centenary of the ANC (2012).
SECTION 2: BUILDING THE ANC AS AN AGENT FOR CHANGE
- The Mafikeng Conference identified as one of the five pillars of the current
period, the need to build and strengthen the ANC as a movement that
organises and leads the people in the task of social transformation (Strategy
and Tactics). It adopted a range of organisational resolutions, instructing
the incoming NEC during its term of office to ensure that significant progress
is made in this pillar of struggle. These resolutions, re-affirmed by the
NGC, focused on strengthening the mass character of the ANC, its internal
democracy, discipline and cohesion, its cadre policy and development, leadership
of the motive forces and society, and the relationship between organisational
structures and governance.
A.Build and strengthen the mass character of the ANC
- The ANC seeks to represent the mass of forces that pursue social transformation,
which are made up of the different social strata and classes who stand to
gain from fundamental change. Keenly aware of the social basis of apartheid,
it recognizes the leadership role of the working class and is biased towards
the poor. It does so by mobilising, educating and organising the motive forces,
using critical instruments at its disposal such as the ANC branch as its primary
unit, the recruitment and involvement of members in the political life of
the movement and mass campaigns to involve people in solving their own problems.
Branches as nerve centres of communities
A key organisational priority has been to place the ANC branch at the centre
of organisational efforts. The branch is the most important unit of the
ANC, responsible for mobilising people into action for their own development
and to change the immediate circumstances of the poor and the most vulnerable
groups. It is the primary structure where all members can equally participate
in the political life of the movement.
The 50th Conference resolution on branches noted that: "the weak state
of our branches has resulted in an absence of mass mobilisation, with the
ANC not giving sufficient leadership in the mobilisation of our people to
be active participants in the process of transformation." This weakness
continued after Mafikeng, as reflected in the Midterm report to the NGC,
and in fact we saw a further decline in the growth and quality of our branches.
The number of branches in all our provinces grew towards the 1997 Conference
and continued upward, seemingly related to vigorous recruiting efforts in
preparation for Provincial conferences in 1998. This membership declined
immediately after the provincial conferences, and grew again as regions
prepared for their own conferences and the 1999 elections. At the time of
the NGC in 2000 we had 5 500 branches, most of which were not in good standing
and with little political life.
The National General Council signalled a decisive break from this state
of affairs, by placing the building of branches at the centre of building
the ANC. Rejuvenated cadres and local leadership departed from the NGC with
a single-minded goal to turn the tide around. The regular fortnightly visits
of the NWC to regions and provinces, the deployment of PEC and REC members
to branches and the training and induction of newly elected BECs, began
to have a real impact. The common message that for branches to be central
to the organisational life of the movement, they must have an active political
life, reverberated across the country.
- The NGC introduced organisational awards to encourage and popularise good
practice. It provided guidelines for how we measure the strength of a branch,
which include its role in mobilising communities around local transformation
and development; the engagement of its members in political programmes and
campaigns; the level of political consciousness, social activism and ongoing
engagement with the strategic challenges of the moment; a cohesive, united
leadership; the ability to build and develop local partnerships for development
and transformation; and capacity to recruit, induct, renew and practically
engage new and old members in the life of the branch and of the movement.
Award winners 2001
Award winners 2002
Sol Plaatje Award for best ANC branch
Peter Mayibuye branch, Galeshewe, NORTHERN
Mthetho Ntlanganiso branch, WESTERN CAPE
ZK Matthews Award for best ANC council
Zastron Council, FREESTATE
Letsemeng Council, FREESTATE
Anton Lembede Award for best ANCYL branch
ANCYL Mandlenkosi branch, Beaufort West.
ANCYL Matsulu branch, MPUMALANGA
Charlotte Maxeke Award for best ANCWL branch
ANCWL Kathlehong branch, GAUTENG
ANCWL Mlambo Ohlaza branch, NORTHERN CAPE
Following the completion of the local government demarcations and elections,
the process of realigning branches and regions as instructed by Mafikeng
started in 2001. The NEC at its Lekgotla in January 2001 resolved that the
one-ward-one-branch and one district/metro-one region was the approach best
suited to have branches and regions that contribute to the building of integrated
communities and development-focussed local government.
The realignment process also addressed some of the problems in our
branches and regions that were raised at the NGC. It assisted the building
of branches with consistent political and community programmes and strengthened
mechanisms for participation in the political life of the movement. The
realignment process was also an opportunity to address unacceptable tendencies
such as gate keeping, factionalism, corruption and the use of branches as
spheres of influence to enable individuals to access resources and dispense
The realignment process took nearly two years to complete and was much
slower than initially anticipated. Cadres and members embarked on this organisational
realignment following guidelines provided by national. The NWC deployed
organising task teams in a number of provinces, drawn from MPs, MPLs, HQ
staff and regional organisers. The practice of auditing branches, providing
a valuable instrument to keep track of our state of organization, was introduced.
- By the end of August 2002, we had launched and audited 2218 ward-based branches
(Table A). This means that the ANC has an organised presence in close to 60%
of the 3 706 wards throughout the country. The majority of branches are located
in areas where we won an outright majority in the 2000 local government elections.
We also launched branches in wards where the opposition had won. In the remaining
40% of wards, we have ANC members but still need to grow and consolidate so
that branches can be launched. Since the audit most provinces have launched
many more branches, as indicated in the detailed provincial reports.
TABLE A: AUDITED
Wards (Potential branches)
Branches in good standing
Membership at 50th
ANC votes in 1999
Northern Free State
Lower South Coast
Pixley ka Seme
The new ward demarcations not only bring together communities on a
non-racial basis, but also cover rural areas, towns, villages and farm areas.
We have thus increased our presence in farm areas, though much more still
needs to be done. Among the difficulties our newly aligned structures faced
in rural areas is the size of wards, which makes it difficult to organise
general meetings because of long distances. The NEC has made provision for
provinces to apply for exemptions to allow for more than one branch in such
areas, but only Mpumalanga, KwaZulu Natal and Northern Cape have, to some
extent, used this exemption to address the problem.
We have made real progress in rejuvenating ANC branches, and built
a solid foundation of local organisation that, with the necessary support,
has great potential to mobilise local communities around the task of social
transformation. In each branch we have a committed core of members and cadres
who understand the centrality of organisation to meet our revolutionary
objectives. We have drawn hundreds of cadres and activists of the movement,
who since 1994 have not played a role in local organisation, back into branch
A number of weaknesses remain. The state of ANC branches is not always
reflected in the strength of the Womens League and Youth League structures,
although there are many active women and young people on ANC Branch Executive
Committees (BECs), with women forming the backbone of many ANC branches
and a very active part of local community campaigns. There is often competition
between ANC local structures and the Leagues, hindering development of the
More needs to be done to strengthen the social and political consciousness
and activism of our members. We have seen greater participation of ANC members
in community structures and forums, stronger partnerships between ANC branches
and other structures in the spirit of volunteerism of our Letsema campaign.
However, we need more focused measures to ensure that the ANC branch capacity
to take up campaigns around local development and community problems, to
inform communities about government programmes and to direct the work of
local government, is developed. ANC branches must also assist communities
to understand and exercise their rights.
Though we are moving towards the establishment of a branch wherever people
live, this has not always translated into the organisation and mobilisation
of all the different social strata and classes that make up the motive forces.
At branch and regional levels, we have often not been able to create effective
forums for joint strategising and action with the Alliance. Our local and
regional structures have also not always been able to work effectively to
support struggles or campaigns of various sectoral formations, e.g. youth,
students, workers, women, rural structures, NGOs or other social movements
that are found in localities or to ensure targeted recruitment into the
ANC from amongst these ranks.
- Many ANC cadres who now find themselves in different sectors of society,
taking forward the task of social transformation where they are, have found
it difficult to make a contribution at branch level, to help with the development
of vibrant local structures. There is still a vast pool of lapsed and inactive
ANC members and cadres whose energy, skill and experience is not being harnessed
by the movement. Finally, our leadership collectives at all levels (NEC, PEC,
REC) need to do much more to support branch work and help to create the functioning
environment that enables branches to flourish.
The membership of the ANC
As a mass and democratic organisation, the policies of the ANC are determined
by its membership, and its leadership is accountable to the membership in
terms of procedures laid down in the Constitution. Membership is open to
all South Africans, irrespective of colour, race and creed, who accept its
principles, policies and programme. The oath which all members must take,
reflects the rights and responsibilities of all ANC members:
Rule 4.15 I, solemnly declare that I will abide by the aims and objectives
of the African National Congress as set out in the Constitution, the Freedom
Charter and other duly adopted policy positions, that I am joining the organisation
voluntarily and without motives of material advantage or personal gain,
that I agree to respect the Constitution and the structures and to work
as a loyal member of the organisation, that I will place my energies and
skills at the disposal of the organisation and carry out tasks given to
me, that I will work towards making the ANC an even more effective instrument
of liberation in the hands of the people, and that I will defend the unity
and integrity of the organisation and its principles, and combat any tendency
towards disruption and factionalism.
Very important constitutional obligations are placed on individual members
to ensure that they play a role in the political life of the ANC, and on
the leadership structures to ensure that members are developed and able
to play a meaningful role in the movement. The NGC called for the involvement
of members in the resolution of critical questions facing the organisation,
not only as part of our internal democratic processes, but as an instrument
of practical political education.
The NEC and other leadership collectives have, over the last five years,
sought to strengthen the participation of members in the political life
of the movement through measures such as programmes to build the branch
as the basic unit where members exercise their rights and responsibilities;
regular constitutional meetings, such as Regional and Provincial General
Councils and Conferences, where branches are directly represented; and visits
by the NEC and the PEC to different regions where members are party to decisions
and approaches adopted by leadership collectives. This also includes special
consultations through countrywide regional general councils on key issues,
such as the challenges facing the Alliance and our approach to HIV and AIDS.
The NEC and NWC also produced discussion documents on a range of issues
to facilitate debates in structures of the ANC and the Alliance.
In all instances where the NEC and NWC intervened to resolve problems
in provinces, this was preceded by extensive discussions with structures
on the nature of the problems. The interventions also sought to create an
atmosphere where ANC members contribute towards finding lasting solutions
to problems faced by the movement in their province or region. Finally,
the processes leading up to the NGC and the 51st National Conference have
been characterised by extensive involvement of ANC members in reviewing
our policies and the challenges of implementation.
The minimum requirement to launch an ANC branch is that 100 members be
recruited from a particular ward. This is a benchmark used since the re-launch
of the ANC as a mass legal organisation in 1990. However, in the context
of new ward based system, we need to set a target for membership that more
adequately reflects ANC electoral support and the population of a particular
ward. During the two years of realignment, we have seen the tendency where
comrades were satisfied with simply recruiting the minimum 100 members,
even though the membership potential may be much greater in that ward.
The NGC raised the need for targeted strategic recruitment, so that besides
its reflection of the working class and poor, the ANC continues to be the
repository of the best in society: including the best students, professionals,
community leaders, business people, academics, scientists, sports people,
cultural workers and so on either as members or active supporters committed
to the cause of social transformation. This will require dedicated approaches
within our organising strategy, to ensure that we pay particular attention
to sectoral work and to ensure that we devise means, especially at branch
and regional levels, for such targeted recruitment from among all of the
We have taken steps to improve the membership system of
the ANC, to enable us to properly account for our membership and have the
information at our disposal to ensure the effective development and participation
of members. The Constitution, as amended at Mafikeng, strengthened the section
on Membership (Rule 4), such as an eight-week period of provisional membership,
the taking of the oath by all new members and making practices that militate
against members ability to fully participate in the life of the movement,
an abuse of organisational rules.
- Problems with our membership system included weak and inconsistent recruitment
activities, weak membership induction and lack of a proper focus of membership
renewal and assessment. We also did not sufficiently analyse our approach
to recruitment; how we encourage people to join the ANC or the reasons why
people join. The rate of non-renewal has been very high, and many new members
only remained within the organisation for a brief period. This phenomenon
was not so much the result of shifting political allegiances, but the failure
of branches to engage new members in political programmes, social mobilisation,
cadre development and general activities of the movement.
Our work over the past five years to support branches and introduce
the necessary realignment with the electoral structures sought to address
these problems. We encouraged branches, provided guidelines and trained
recruitment teams in every ward. Our new membership system was piloted in
2000, starting with Mpumalanga. The new system allows for more effective
distribution and monitoring of recruiter packs, assigns a unique life membership
number to each member and provides a profile and history of membership in
the organisation. It also allows for more efficient distribution of membership
fees to the relevant structures and for membership cards to be produced
at regional offices.
- The pilot projects of the new membership system revealed a number of problems,
and measures were put in place to address these. The following progress has
- The system is now operational in all provinces, although we still have
to improve regional capacity (computers, software, printers, phone lines,
training) to operate optimally.
- Special efforts were made to catch up with the backlog of capturing
membership data and issuing membership cards. We ensured that before every
Provincial conference during 2001/2002 all members were on the system,
membership cards printed and distributed via regions and provinces.
- Implementation of the one-third allocation of membership fees to
branches started at the beginning of 2002 in the N Cape and has since
been extended to the other provinces, except Limpopo and Eastern Cape,
which only recently completed their realignment processes. All new ward-based
branches had to register with the national office and had to open a branch
bank account, as the new regions launched.
- Through the audit of recruiter packs, we have begun to eliminate practices
such as the recruitment of ghost members and recruitment of members
on the eve of an AGM for voting purposes. The audit also provides a basis
for greater control over the deposits of membership fees. But no matter
how foolproof the system, ultimately we rely on ANC members and cadres
to ensure the integrity of our membership system.
- The system is now operational in all provinces, although we still have
Although the new membership system has a number of features to enable us
to properly analyse our membership, to date we have concentrated on getting
the basics right putting in place recruitment teams, distribution and
retrieval of recruiter packs, capturing membership data into a central database,
printing of membership cards and implementing the one-third fee transfer
We have put in place fairly stringent measures for membership and branch
audits in order to enable us to uproot negative tendencies, which have crept
into our structures in dealing with membership and their participation in
the life of the organisation. We do not envisage this to be a permanent
approach to matters of organisation. Once we have established a critical
mass of good practice country-wide, we should be able to move towards introducing
systems that make it easier for members to join and renew, and for branches
to run their own affairs.
Campaigns as a strategic tool for mass mobilisation
Maintaining strong links with the masses is essential to reinforce
the responsiveness of the movement to the needs of the people. Community
and issue based campaigns are among the most effective tools to organise
and lead our people in the task of social transformation. One of the challenges
facing the movement and the progressive forces generally since 1994 is our
ability to sustain mass mobilisation under completely new conditions, in
particular the existence of a democratic government with an overwhelming
popular mandate to create a better life for all. Mafikeng noted that among
the factors undermining the mass character of the ANC is the absence of
consistent social mobilisation and campaigns by the ANC, outside of election
The NGC also considered this matter and resolved that mass campaigns be
used as a strategic tool to strengthen the links between our branches and
communities, and between communities and government at all levels. Our national
programme therefore included local campaigns on health-related matters,
with a focus on HIV and AIDS; education focused on making schools work,
the Masakhane campaign and fighting crime and corruption. National campaigns
included elections, the campaign against racism in the context of preparing
for the World Conference against Racism (WCAR) and the Letsema campaign
during the 90th anniversary of the ANC.
Our approach to these campaigns has been to identify aims, target groups
or constituencies, messages and campaign methods, consistent with the overall
objectives of the movement. We thus clarified the link between our campaigns
and social transformation, ensured that our message was consistent with
finding sustainable solutions to problems, and that our campaign methods
reflected the mass character of the movement. We emphasized direct contact
with our people, mass involvement in our activities and complimentary roles
between government and organisational mobilisation.
For the local campaigns, branches were trained on campaign messages and
methods and provided with manuals and other resource materials to run campaigns.
We ran a fairly consistent campaign around HIV and AIDS, with leadership
collectives involved in taking forward the message, periodic national strategy
meetings to introduce new phases in the campaign, a close link between the
strategic plans and programmes of government, and ongoing education and
mobilisation work by our local structures and the Leagues. There was limited
focus on the other campaigns making schools work and fighting crime
with support work mainly in the form of guidelines on participation in structures
like School Governing Bodies and Community Policing Forums. Mass activities
tended to be during the opening of schools and protests action against the
abuse of women and children, mainly led by the ANC Youth and Womens Leagues,
The national campaigns provided opportunity for joint action as an Alliance,
with other progressive forces and for cooperation with governance structures.
The campaigns raised awareness on the need for a broad based social activism
of all sectors of society, as the process of transformation unfolds.
We have indeed moved beyond the stage where the ANC only has campaigns
during elections, and have once again begun to create opportunities for
our members to engage in mass work and mobilisation. The response to these
activities has been very positive, indicating that where the movement leads
in addressing problems, our people respond with enthusiasm.
We do however face a number of challenges in this area. The progressive
forces including the ANC and the Alliance have vacillated between the
extremes of demobilisation of the masses as recipients of government programmes
and anti-statist approaches to mass mobilisation. At local level, this was
compounded by inward-looking ANC branches and competition with the South
African National Civic Organisation (SANCO) about who should take up local
The ANC itself, as the leader of the liberation forces, has been inconsistent
in finding ways to mobilise people around their problems and to support
struggles of different sectors. This difficulty is largely linked to finding
the correct balance between the ANC as a mass movement which must organise
the people in their daily struggles for transformation, but which is also
the governing party, elected by those masses to lead the programmes of government.
- And, although we have begun to develop a fairly exact methodology around
campaigns for elections, we have not applied this methodology consistently
to all our campaigns. For example, we are not consistent in our approaches
to strategising, leadership deployment, targeting and message development,
campaign methods and phasing, and the allocation of resources for campaigns.
As a result, our campaigns still fall short in terms of their depth and the
crucial element of consistent mass mobilisation.
CHALLENGES AND ISSUES FOR DISCUSSIONS
We have laid the foundations for the ANC to be rooted amongst the
masses of our people, for members to participate in the political life of
the movement and for ongoing mobilisation of our people to be involved in
the task of social transformation. We must build on this foundation, and
the challenges before Conference therefore include:
- What additional measures do we need to put in place to strengthen
the ANC branch, so that it is able to involve members, recruit from amongst
the motive forces in communities and take up community development issues
- How do we address the weaknesses identified in realigning our
structures such as the quorum for branch general and annual meetings and
large wards in rural areas?
- What more do we need to do to ensure that our campaigns are
consistent, involve our people in changing their lives for the better,
improve coordination between government and organisational structures,
and build local partnerships? What are the responsibilities and roles
of different spheres of the movement?
- What additional measures must we put in place to strengthen
the involvement of members in the political life of the movement, and
improve our membership system?
- How do we ensure that members, wherever they find themselves,
can participate in the political life of the movement, do political work
in different sectors and contribute to building vibrant branches?
- What additional measures do we need to put in place to strengthen
The provincial sphere of the organisation has a very important role
to lead the branches and regions of the movement, to interact and unite
with the Alliance, give direction to governance and oversee the implementation
of our overall vision and strategic objective. Each province contributes
to making the ANC a powerful and cohesive entity that can unite our people
and the country. Each province has its own unique conditions, based on its
history, the evolution of the movement in that province, the balance of
forces and its demographic and social realities. It is this understanding
of the history and prevailing balance of forces that guides our programme
of action and approaches in each of our provinces.
The ANC has an organisational presence throughout the country. We are the
governing party in seven provinces, and in coalition government with the
IFP and the NNP in KwaZulu Natal and Western Cape respectively. The local
councils won in the 2000 elections account for at least 85% of the electorate.
This places immense responsibilities on the ANC to speed up creating a better
life for all and involving all our people in the process of social change.
Our Provincial Executive Committees (PECs) therefore carry immense
responsibilities. On the whole, PECs have risen to the challenge. In carrying
out their governance and organisational work they projected a positive image
of the ANC and impacted positively on political developments in the provinces.
All our provinces have acquitted themselves well, ensuring that they
support branches in the realignment processes, and that we strengthen the
capacity of branches to implement the programme of action of the movement.
From the detailed reports from provinces, it is clear that most of our provinces
have taken forward work around campaigns, with specific focus on the campaign
against HIV and AIDS and against racism. At provincial level, the Alliance
structures generally have not been plagued by the tensions seen at national
level. In most provinces relations have been good, focusing on the tasks
of transformation. The PECs have also played an important role in engaging
various sectors including traditional leaders, business, farmers and farm
workers, NGOs and other sectoral formations in the provinces.
Relations between organisational structures and governance at provincial
and local levels have also improved. PECs hold annual makgotla
to look at the national programme of action and to determine provincial
governance and organisational priorities for each year. With a few exceptions,
we have seen important improvements in the capacity of provincial government
to fulfil their mandates, although issues of coordination and integration
between spheres of government remain a challenge.
Among the most outstanding achievements has been the increased voter support
in the Northern Cape. In 1994 we barely obtained 50% of electoral support
and the organisation was relatively unknown amongst the predominantly rural,
poor and mainly coloured population of the province. Through hard and consistent
organisational and political work, with government representing the aspirations
of all the people of the Northern Cape, and as a united and cohesive leadership
that listens and respond to the people, the province has managed in a space
of five years to turn the tables. We not only increased our electoral support
to a convincing two-thirds majority, but the ANC has decisively won over
the coloured population in the province to participate actively in our organisational
This huge, yet sparsely populated province has, for the first time, increased
the membership of the ANC in the province to over 20 000 members. The province
also introduced a number of novel practices, such as holding meetings of
the Executive in different regions, and the opening of its provincial legislature
in a stadium. The NWC took a leaf out of this innovative example, and holds
its regular meetings in different provinces on a rotational basis.
In KwaZulu Natal, where we did not win a majority of the
votes, the movement faces a range of different challenges. KwaZulu Natal
has been managing the fragile peace process and a difficult political environment
of competition and co-operation, which imposed many demands on our provincial
leadership. Peace and cooperation with the IFP, and introducing its rural
and traditional support base to the ANC and its policies, have been important
parts of the programme of the province. The province has generally conducted
itself with discipline in the coalition government and through their consistent
interventions on major governance, political and development issue, the
performance of our MECs, and their participation in political and civic
activities in the province, the ANC is seen as a positive force at the head
of transformation. Organisationally, we have not made maximum use of the
opportunities presented by democracy, peace and stability to do consistent
work among the sector that were alienated from the movement, such as amakhosi,
the rural masses and Indian communities of Chatsworth and Phoenix. The political
realignment process among opposition forces over recent years placed strains
on the ANC-IFP cooperation, reflected in the IFP-DA coalition in most local
councils in the province, the dispute about the provincial capital, tensions
around the crossing of the floor period and the reshuffle of the provincial
The revolutionary alliance in the province operates as a united force,
strategising and acting jointly on the key challenges facing the movement.
The province has very strong political education and communication units,
which contribute towards an informed membership and general public in the
province.. Also, though the province has a strong membership and cadreship
core, there have been some lapses in servicing lower structures and assisting
them to develop organisational approaches and programmes in very complex
In the Western Cape, we emerged for the first time in the 1999 elections
as the majority party in the province, though not with an absolute majority.
The ANC spent most of the post-election period in opposition to the DA,
which governed the province. This provided the ANC with an opportunity to
concentrate on rebuilding its structures, building local partnerships, African-coloured
unity and expanding the support base of the movement in the province. It
has thus proceeded with the realignment programme with enthusiasm, and has
implemented a number of campaigns against racism in the province.
The break-up of the DA and our cooperation with the NNP provides us with
an opportunity to ensure that we focus on issues of poverty, unemployment
and improving delivery to poor and marginalised communities in the province;
to make further inroads into the coloured working class communities; to
consolidate our support amongst the middle strata and intelligentsia in
the province, as well as engaging with the white community.
The Limpopo province, one of the poorest parts of the country, with its
largely rural and female population and the apartheid legacy of dividing
our people into Bantustans, has been a bedrock of the movement, with more
than 90% electoral support for the ANC. It has a rich history of resistance,
with a very capable cadreship core. However, internal organisational conflicts
over the last few years have seriously eroded the character of the movement
in the province. As a result, the NEC dissolved the Provincial Executive
Committee in 2000 and established an Interim Leadership Core to help rebuild
the provincial structures.
We have just begun this rebuilding, and Limpopo Province, as we gather
at Conference, is organisationally weaker than at the last Conference in
Mafikeng. A major challenge facing the new leadership that was elected at
the Provincial Conference in 2002 is the need to unite the movement, rebuild
the culture of the movement, strengthen its links with our people in the
province and to strengthen the capacity of the state to address the challenges
of poverty and economic development.
The masses of our people and ANC members in Mpumalanga
have been very consistent in their trust in the capacity of the ANC to ensure
a better life for all. This province too faced the challenge of transforming
several bantustans into a single, non-racial province, and address the complex
challenges of large numbers of people working as farm labourers. Given the
history of the province, we do not have a very deep layer of ANC veterans,
and the cadres in the province are generally fairly young.
The province has also been plagued by division at leadership levels,
impacting on our structures and by difficulties in governance, especially
around issues of corruption. The NEC had to assist in convening a Special
Conference in Mpumalanga in 1998 and a further intervention in 2000. An
organisational task team was deployed to Mpumalanga to help the province
with its realignment. This task was successfully completed, culminating
in the provincial conference held early in 2002. This, together with the
redeployment of comrades from national to province and province to national,
has seen the development of a sense of common purpose, a process of internal
renewal and stability among the structures and leadership of the province.
The leadership collective in the North West, faced with
the difficult task of integrating into a single province one of the most
conservative beneficiaries of the apartheid regimes bantustan and rightwing
white policies, have risen to the occasion and welded the North West into
a single political entity, with solid ANC support. Although we lost some
ground to the UCDP in the 1999 elections, due to the political work since
done, we have regained some of that ground during the crossing of the floor
window period in 2002. The province has also done consistent political work
in implementing the programme of action. Organisationally, the province
continues to face the challenge of building unity and the need to continually
raise the political consciousness of its members, cadres and leadership
in the province.
The Eastern Cape has strong and deeply rooted traditions
of the ANC, the SACP and SACTU and now COSATU. However, we lost some ground
in this province during the 1999 elections, 73.2% of the vote as against
the 80% we received in 1994. There continue to be weaknesses in the province,
particularly poor image and underperformance in areas such as welfare and
education. Though we are objectively dealing with a legacy of underdevelopment,
poverty and massive backlogs in social sectors such as education, health,
welfare and infrastructure, there are serious subjective weaknesses on our
part, including failure to instil the spirit of batho pele in the public
sector and even amongst members of the ANC and the Alliance working in this
sector. Organisationally the province has performed below its potential
for a number of years. The realignment process was much slower than envisaged,
but we have now made progress in laying the foundations for proper branch
structures throughout the province, which has introduced innovations such
as an education manual for all its leadership collectives.
The province has had serious organisational problems in the OR Tambo
region, manifested in divisions among structures in the region and with
the province, between ANC structures and councillors and around the existence
of parallel branches. These problems seriously impacted on the Regional
Conference to launch the newly demarcated regions. The problems in the OR
Tambo region, and the slow progress with realignment generally, meant that
the Provincial Conference on 8-10 November 2002 was organised in great haste,
and some serious mistakes committed. As a result, most branches in the province
were unable to convene properly constituted branch general meetings, to
prepare for Provincial Conference and to elect mandated delegates to this
Conference. Consequently, the NEC took a decision to nullify the Provincial
and OR Tambo Conferences, reinstated the previous PEC and reinforced it
with a National Task team to prepare for Provincial conference within three
months. The brief of the PEC and National Task Team is to ensure that we
unite the movement in the province, address the underlying problems that
gave rise to the poor preparations for Conferences and restore the culture
of the movement.
Gauteng, the economic heartland of the country, with its complex demographics
and urban sprawls, requires of the leadership of the province and metros
to be visionary and able to engage and unite the large and diverse populace
of the province in action for change. We have done quite well in the province,
shifting our electoral support from that of a marginal province in 1994
to decisively winning the province in the 1999 general elections.
However, the internal problems in the province have seen an erosion of
the base of the ANC, and this in a province where we have a wealth of cadres.
The NEC dissolved the PEC in 2000, and established an Interim Leadership
Core, with the primary brief to rebuild ANC branches and to work towards
convening a provincial conference. The process in Gauteng went very well,
and following the completion of the realignment process and provincial conference
late in 2001, the province is making good progress towards consolidating
organisational structures, ensuring that our members and leadership in the
province act in a manner that puts the people first. Much more needs to
be done to build on our organisational foundation and to ensure that we
launch branches in the 47% of wards where we only have a presence.
The Free State province, the founding place of the ANC,
has a rich history of resistance, particularly amongst women and is another
bedrock of the ANCs electoral support. Largely rural, with a predominantly
white agricultural sector and areas of former bantustans, the governance
and nation-building challenges faced by this province are immense. The ANC
as an organisation has been plagued by problems over recent years, and a
number of interventions have been required.
The NEC took steps to address organisational problems, with divisions
at leadership level that permeated to lower structures and resulted in paralysis
of both organisation and decision-making. Branches and members complained
about not being given guidance by provincial leadership. The ANC became
isolated from its mass base. This also impacted on the capacity of the ANC
to give leadership to governance and the programme of transformation. As
a result of this situation, the NEC in 2000 dissolved the Provincial Executive
Committees in the Free State for the second time and appointed an Interim
Leadership Core (ILC).
The Free State ILC fulfilled its mandate, and the province held its Provincial
Conference during the second half of 2002. The new leadership elected at
conference has indicated a commitment to act in a manner that unites their
province, guides and supports the structures of the movement and prevents
the recurrence of the problems of the past. However, the process of building
cohesion, unity and confidence in the provinces still has a long way to
go and we will have to keep on monitoring the situation.
Finally, despite the weaknesses, the programme of the movement for
transformation is to a large degree being implemented at provincial levels
and is reflected in the range of activities that provinces have engaged
in, covered in the detailed reports in the Appendices.
C. Cadre Policy, Organisational democracy and discipline
A prerequisite for the success of a revolution is the existence of a strong revolutionary organisation. The strength of a revolutionary organisation lies not only in numbers, but primarily in the quality of its cadres. Hence in the development of our organisation, cadre policy occupies a central role. Cadres are all members of the Movement involved in the formulation and practical implementation of policy, and willing to carry out all tasks assigned.
The cadre policy of an organisation is determined by the tasks, which are short and long term in the revolution. A correct cadre policy produces activists equipped to perform special and general skills and tasks.
(Report of the Commission on Cadre Policy and Ideological work, Kabwe Consultative Conference, 1985)
Our cadre policy has to respond to the current phase of the NDR. This
includes responding to challenges such as the need to continuously improve
our capacity and skill to transform the instruments of power, the capacity
to mobilise and lead the motive forces, as well as fulfil our continental
and international responsibilities. Key elements of cadre policy must therefore
include targeted recruitment from among the motive forces, ensuring that
they understand the basic policies and programmes of the movement; political,
moral, professional and ideological training to raise political consciousness
and skills of members; deployment and redeployment according to specialty,
aptitude, skills and capability of individual cadres; promotion and accountability;
and the preservation of cadres.
The 1994 breakthrough opened up new opportunities for material and
social advancement through positions in the public and private sector and
for economic empowerment. With the dismantling of apartheid career barriers,
the availability of much greater choice of career paths and scope for the
realisation of individual preferences and ambitions became possible. The
occupation of positions of power and the material reward this offers could
create some "social distance" between individuals and constituencies
they represent, particularly in the context of the legacy of inequality,
large scale unemployment and poverty that still plague us. This could render
some in the revolutionary movement complacent, concerned with maintaining
their positions and even indifferent to the conditions of the poor.
- Our cadre policy therefore seeks to build cadres and a leadership that reflects
the character of the ANC as a revolutionary democratic organisation, a non-racial
and non-sexist movement, a broad national democratic movement, a mass movement
and a leader of the democratic forces, with policies based on principle and
a commitment to serve.
The NGC focused on the need to build the New Cadre,
who will be able to take forward the programme of social transformation.
This New Cadre must be developed and given responsibilities.
Mafikeng and the NGC emphasised the importance of cadre development, because
a comprehensive review of our political education work since the unbanning
in 1990 indicated a number of weaknesses, which we have begun to address
over the last five years. These weaknesses include the fact that during
the early 1990s we did not reproduce greater numbers of cadres grounded
in the politics, organisational values and culture of the movement fast
enough. The method of rolling popular mass education and training´, though
important for raising general consciousness of policies and programmes,
did not allow for follow-up on individual comrades trained and assumes that
all participants are at the same level of development.
Another weakness was our methodology and the use of only the formal
educators and political education officers, while ignoring many comrades
who may not be educated, but had a rich political understanding and experience.
It has also been difficult, post-1994, to get leaders who are deployed to
government to play a role in political education. Other cadres deployed
in various centres of responsibility and authority also seldom play a role
in their branches.
Since Makifeng and the NGC we have sought to create an environment in
which the New Cadre can flourish. The campaigns, especially Letsema
in 2002, and the realignment process, alongside our political education
programme have played an important role in raising consciousness around
the centrality of Batho Pele to our movement, its cadres and members.
- Political education in pursuance of this objective has thus implemented
programmes such as: -
- Piloting the Political School, implementing dedicated block training
since 1998 for various categories of comrades, including teams of political
educators from each province; women leaders from the Womens League and
ANC, and local councillors from all provinces. The block training was
done on the basis of a specified curriculum that focused on the evolution
of ANC history and politics, our programmes of national democratic transformation,
theories of change and international work.
- Broadening the pool of political instructors to bring on board the
wide range of experienced cadres who can enhance our programmes while
also widening the methodology to accommodate our specific needs. Some
Provinces, like Gauteng, have started with Political schools for branches
and councillors. We have begun to use, albeit on a small scale, veterans
in our cadre development work, with very positive results.
- Supporting branch work through the development of a WHAT IS THE ANC
booklet for new members; induction manuals for branch, regional and provincial
executives; training of branches on the role of the BEC and local action
plans; as well as election training
- Together with the Elections Education and Training Unit (EETU) and SALGA,
conceptualising training for the new cadre of local councillors after
the 2000 local elections on the range of challenges they face, including
developing IDPs, gender in local government, role of ward committees and
- Piloting the Political School, implementing dedicated block training
Having piloted the Political School in its current form for at least
the last five years, the Political Education Unit (PETU) began to put in
place measures to establish a political school with premises within the
next two years. Fundraising for this important venture is being done as
part of the Stalwarts Research Trust, a trust established to coordinate
fundraising for the School and the Policy Institute. The Political school
will then operate with its own physical location and standing programme,
and will conduct an assessment of cadres who are sent there. It should also
provide for the ongoing development of layers of leadership in the movement
and provide forums for cadres in all spheres of society to develop perspectives
broader than their areas of specialisation, and to test their work against
these broad perspectives.
The Political education unit is also responsible for the publication of
the journal, UMRABULO. The journal underwent major redesign at the end of
1999, and is now published quarterly. It has provided an important forum
for raising major national and organisational debates and we have seen the
growth in contributions to UMRABULO by members and supporters. UMRABULO
is distributed primarily to ANC and Alliance structures, with a growing
subscription base. It is also widely read on the Internet, both at home
and abroad. We have organised Umrabulo forums with progressive academics,
activists and others, and during the World Conference against Racism (WCAR)
and the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) held very successful
UMRABULO forums as part of the civil society platforms.
The Political Education and Training Unit also published the Political
Lectures of cde Jack Simons, various readers for the Political School programmes,
a history of Umkhonto we Sizwe on the occasion of its 40th anniversary,
a book by cde Gertrude Shope on women in struggle and will publish "A
90 Years of ANC History" textbook by cde Pallo Jordan. The NEC periodically
developed discussion papers on a range of issues confronting the movement
for discussions and debate in structures of the movement. These papers have
played an important role in the ongoing political education at all levels
of the organisation.
- Due to the measures we have put in place over the last few years, there
is a growing body of cadres in the movement who consistently and tirelessly
perform their revolutionary duties. This is the clear cadre core that is committed
to the revolution and on which the movement largely relies. This cadre is
of necessity deployed in various spheres of political responsibility and authority.
Its outstanding characteristics are its unwavering commitment to the values,
culture and principles of our revolution and its ability to put into practice
the essence of batho pele.
- The Mafikeng Conference called on the ANC to put in place a deployment strategy,
which directly relates to the national democratic tasks set out in Strategy
and Tactics. Acting on this mandate, the NEC in December 1998 appointed a
National Deployment Committee. One of its first tasks was to develop a deployment
strategy for consideration by the NEC, which sets out the short, medium and
long term challenges, identifying key centres of power and authority, our
strategy to transform these centres and the attributes and skills we require
from our cadres to do so effectively. The Deployment Strategy, adopted by
the NEC in 1999, identified the immediate deployment tasks as strengthening:
- The capacity and transformation of the state, so that it reflects the
motive forces, and through the deployment of cadres ensure that the leadership,
values and culture of all institutions of the state are changed;
- The transformation of key centres of power, including such areas as
deepening democracy and human rights, safety and security, the arena of
the battle of ideas, international work and so forth.
- The political and administrative control and supervisory structures
of the ANC at headquarters, provincial and regional offices, and parliamentary
- Engagement in all sectors of social activity, including the economy,
education, science and technology, sports, recreation and culture, mass
popular organisation and mass communications.
- The capacity and transformation of the state, so that it reflects the
After adoption of the strategy, the National Deployment Committee developed
further detailed guidelines on a range of deployment matters, including
guidelines on the functioning of provincial deployment committees, accountability
mechanisms for public representatives, guidelines for the deployment of
premiers, mayors and other such categories. Deployment committees were established
at provincial levels, and the National Deployment Committee visited all
provinces to engage on the deployment strategy with provincial leadership
and ANC caucuses.
Based on the strategy and guidelines adopted by the NEC, the National Deployment
Committee implemented and carried out deployments or advised on deployments
to certain strategic positions and structures. It reported to the Officials
and the NWC on specific deployments and also submitted regular reports to
the NEC on its work. Key to the effectiveness of the work of any deployment
committee is the integrity of the structure as a collective and the need
to operate in a manner that is beyond reproach. However, towards 2001 questions
were raised by NEC members about the integrity of the National Deployment
Committee. Once this happened, it undermined the capacity of the committee
to fulfil its work and the operations of the National Deployment Committee
were suspended. Deployment from this point onwards was done by Officials,
who reported to the NWC and NEC. The NWC was mandated by the NEC to address
the concerns raised about the National Deployment Committee, but it has
not managed to do so.
At provincial level the functioning of these structures has also been uneven.
Some provinces have done well; others have been plagued with problems related
to tensions and factionalism in the provincial structures of the movement.
In some instances the provincial Officials have also acted as the Provincial
Deployment Committee, creating problems where officials were said to be
biased in their deployments. A few provinces have included NEC Deployees
on their provincial deployment committees, which helped dispel perceptions
of bias by provincial officials in the manner in which they conducted deployment.
- There is no doubt that the development and implementation of a deployment
strategy during the second term of government has considerably strengthened
our programme of transformation. However, we need to learn from the strengths
and weaknesses of this first phase of the operation of our deployment strategy,
with a view to improvement. To do this, the movement will have to address
a number of issues that arose in the course of implementing this decision
of conference, including:
- Ensuring that deployment committees act in a non-sectarian manner,
promote unity and accountability in the organisation and do not create
perceptions of jobs for pals´. It is important to make the distinction
between deployment and employment. In many instances deployment committees
are viewed as employing bodies and any cadre who requires employment is
directed to them.
- Besides the existing mechanisms for elected representatives, ensure
the accountability of all cadres of the movement wherever they are deployed.
Clearly outline the nature and extent of the organisations obligation
to public representatives who are not re-elected.
- Address the problem of some cadres not understanding that their previous
deployment (as a cabinet minister, MP, MEC, mayor, etc) does not mean
automatic deployment into that position or one of equivalent stature and
financial packages in subsequent elections.
- Implement sectoral deployment (Allies, mass formations, progressive
professional organisations, etc) in a manner that helps to strengthen
these formations, whilst extending the influence and leadership of the
movement throughout society.
Organisational democracy and discipline
- Ensuring that deployment committees act in a non-sectarian manner,
The current phase of the NDR contains many new and complex dynamics,
making it even more important for the ANC to continue to be a vibrant organisation
within whose ranks there is constant exchange of ideas, however different
these ideas might be. Its cadre policy should therefore also encourage creativity
in thought and practice, and eschew rigid dogma. The movement must at the
same time exercise maximum unity in action and discipline amongst its members,
and ensure that after ideas have been exchanged and decisions taken, all
structures and members pursue the same goal.
The democratic and mass character of the movement which creates a climate
and forum for debate, free flow of ideas and political discussion remains
the cornerstone of the political discipline of the organisation. The principles
of democratic centralism continue to guide our structures, making provision
for ongoing policy and organisational review, subjecting, in the appropriate
forums, previous decisions to ongoing assessment. The application of these
principles requires structures in which all members are able to participate,
where open and frank discussion is encouraged and where political considerations
Our conscious efforts to build the mass character of the ANC have included
strengthening the operations of the constitutional structures where members
and branches participate, improving the flow of information in the organisation
and with government and encouraging the practice of ongoing political discussions
on strategic issues of the moment in our leadership collectives. We have
taken measures to strengthen the interactions between leadership and lower
structures through the deployment of NEC and PEC members to regions and
branches, and structured interactions between the NEC and branches.
We have had ongoing discussions and debates over the last five years on
how to strengthen the revolutionary character of the ANC. Discussion documents
such as ANC AGENT FOR CHANGE AND THROUGH THE EYE OF THE NEEDLE opened the
debate and helped to educate members about the evolution of the ANC traditions,
values and approaches, and how best to reproduce and adapt these under the
We can say without exaggeration that there are few organisations which
have the deep-seated internal democratic culture, culture of debate and
commitment to unity in action that the ANC has. Our members and cadres,
and indeed our people broadly have made use of the constitutional order
that guarantees freedom of expression, information and association. In the
engagements between our movement and the masses of our people in peoples
forums, mass meetings and in forums between government and communities such
as izimbizo the people continue to show a profound understanding
of the policy direction of our movement, and have not shied away from engaging
robustly on the challenges of implementation.
At the same time, over the last five years we have also experienced breakdown
of organisational discipline within leadership collectives, which required
interventions to safeguard the unity and cohesion of the movement and to
make it possible for members to remain at the centre of the organisation.
We have observed that where there is a breakdown of political cohesion,
discipline becomes the victim.
In the NEC, we have experienced tendencies of members failing to raise
their views openly in the structures of the movement, and then undermining
decisions through such actions as leaks to the media. We have also seen
the erosion of the unity of this collective through members attacking each
other or the movement in the public domain, without having raised their
concerns within the structures of the movement. As a result, the NEC held
a specific discussion on the CONDUCT OF NEC MEMBERS, to lay down ground
rules of what is expected from members and the collective of this important
organ of our movement.
We have also reported to the NGC on the challenges being in power has on
the structures of the movement. We found that the issues dividing leadership
of some of our provinces are not of a political nature, but have mainly
revolved around access to resources, positioning themselves or others to
access resources, dispensing patronage and in the process using organisational
structures to further these goals. This often lies at the heart of conflicts
between constitutional and governance structures, especially at local level
and is reflected in contestations around lists, deployment and internal
elections process of the movement. These practices tarnish the image and
effectiveness of the movement. Yet when we decide to act firmly, we have
seen an overwhelmingly positive response from members and our people. A
good example was the positive response to our undertaking in the 2000 local
government manifesto and campaign to act against corrupt councillors.
The limited political consciousness has impacted negatively on our capacity
to root out corrupt and divisive elements among ourselves. For the movement
to renew itself as a revolutionary movement we have to develop specific
political, organisational and administrative measures to deal with such
As a revolutionary movement, the political consciousness of our members,
cadres and leaders is central to the character of the ANC. We seek to develop
members, so that they can consciously make choices, wherever they are and
at all times, about approaches, behaviour and actions that either furthers
the cause, or constitutes a betrayal, of the people. This political consciousness
is what should distinguish an ANC member, and should find expression in
how they conduct themselves, their style of leadership, their adherence
to policies, values and norms of the ANC and their commitment to work resolutely
for the improvement of the conditions of our people.
CHALLENGES AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Important progress has been recorded in ensuring that the movement
has a comprehensive Cadre Policy, that focuses on the development and deployment
of our cadres. However, we need to build on and learn from the experiences of
the last five years, in particular to strengthen:
- Our Cadre policy with a more comprehensive human resource development
strategy, including professional development, career-pathing, a cadre data
base, exit strategies and a strategic approach to succession in the movement.
- Measures to ensure the reproduction of the culture and tradition
of the movement amongst the new generations of cadres and members, through
induction, striving to be a learning organisation, giving members responsibilities
and leading by example.
D. Renewing the democratic mandate
The advent of the 1999 general elections posed a number of tactical and
strategic questions about the shifts in the balance of forces during the
first five years of liberation. Arising from the balance of forces in 1994,
our approach to the major issues of transformation was informed by the compromises
made during the negotiations. This applied to issues such as deployment
of personnel, matters of detail on economic policy, and generally the pace
of transformation. However, by 1999 the situation had changed, characterised
by amongst others the consolidation of the legitimacy of our democratic
order and a better hold on the levers of state power.
The situation was also characterised by a general expectation of change
and hope amongst the overwhelming majority of South Africans as we approached
the end of the "era of sunset clauses". The NEC therefore concluded
that the situation provided greater opportunities for more rapid advance
during the second term. This was captured in the approach of "continuity
and change: continuity in the substance of policy and change in the detail
as well as the style, pace and effectiveness of implementation.
Our main election message was therefore speeding up change, captured
in our Elections Manifesto, finalised by an Extended NEC meeting, which
included Alliance partners. The Manifesto focused on the following five
themes: Speeding up delivery of basic needs and developing human resources;
Building the economy and creating jobs; Combating crime and corruption;
Transforming the state; and Building a better Africa and world.
- The foundations for the campaign were laid in 1998, with the setting up
and training of election structures at all levels, the development of an election
strategy and message, the ID and voter registration campaign and the listening
forums. The first six months of 1999, focused on active campaign work, which
was divided into phases with a separate focus and tasks for each. During this
period, our main activities included:
- Direct voter contact: door-to-door work, distribution of elections media,
listening forums, blitzes, etc and the deployment of leaders, MPs and
MPLs to such activities;
- Completing the List processes with an Extended NEC in February 1999,
followed by an appeals process, which was concluded at the beginning of
May 1999; the training and deployment of candidates on our Lists and the
announcement of our Premier candidates.
- Developing our Manifesto and work by the Policy unit on implementing
the Manifesto to ensure we hit the ground running after the elections.
This culminated in the Accelerating Change document.
- Deployment of the President in a national campaign trail, with selected
national mass events in targeted areas and constituencies;
- A media strategy, including campaign media for mass distribution,
an elections song on cassette, newspaper adverts, radio adverts and general
- Participating in the IEC structures to prepare for election day; and
- Selection and training of ANC party agents.
- Direct voter contact: door-to-door work, distribution of elections media,
Although we had our election structures, strategy and tasks in place at
the beginning of 1999, it took some time to ensure focus and co-ordination.
Weaknesses of our campaign include problems with deployment of some leadership,
MPs, MPLs, cadres and councillors. The NWC had to intervene through an extended
meeting with Provincial Elections Coordinators and by strengthening the
provincial command centres through the deployment of NEC members.
- Key strengths of the campaign included the following: -
- Our programme of direct voter contact;
- The profile of the President;
- The campaign allowed us to put aside internal differences in some provinces;
- Our message helped to explain our achievements, the problems we experienced
and provided hope; and
- Allowed for the active participation of large numbers of our cadres
The message of the ANC and the campaign work found resonance among the
majority of our people, resulting in a bigger electoral majority for the
- The 2000 local government elections heralded
in a new system of non-racial and developmental local government. Our aim
in these elections was to win an overwhelming victory in the context of a
high voter turnout. Our campaign for the local elections therefore sought
to mobilise the base support of the movement to participate in the elections,
with the belief that the ANC can make change happen in communities. In addition
to these objectives, we also had to address the perceived and actual dissatisfaction
amongst our people relating to the performance of local councillors and to
educate voters on the functioning of the new system of local government.
- Our elections manifesto, jointly drafted with our Alliance partners,
under the MAKING CHANGE HAPPEN where we live, focused on the following themes:
- Free basket of basic services improve general delivery of services.
- Stronger womens participation
- Participation at local level through ward committees
- Forging social partnerships at local levels.
- Integrated planning
- Support local economic development, infrastructure development, community-based
enterprises, job creation.
- Safety and security including establishment of metro police
- Accountable local councillors ensure that we act against corrupt
and unaccountable councillors
The results (Table B) indicated that the ANC maintained its level of electoral
support, and made significant gains in a number of areas. Our majority was
indeed overwhelming. The ANC was the only party that contested elections
in all municipalities. However, this victory was not achieved in the context
of a high voter turnout, or a significant reactivation of our base support.
We also did not significantly increase the number of registered voters.
The mixed electoral system at local level means that in between elections
for local government, we will continually have by-elections
in wards for a number of reasons. We therefore had to put in place
systems to ensure that we maintain and expand our positions in local government,
by successfully contesting by-elections.
The national Campaigns Task Team since 2001 has put in place a system
that enables us to contest by-elections that has happened on a near-monthly
basis. This includes a generic budget for each by-election, campaign materials,
a checklist for branches and regions and a questionnaire for branches to
assist with strategising based on the nature of the ward they are contesting.
The Campaigns Task Team, through ongoing contact with the Independent Electoral
Commission, has informed provinces and the affected regions about forthcoming
elections. It also identifies marginal wards and assists with the deployment
of leadership to help with campaigning.
- The NWC, following the decision of the Mafikeng Conference, has made some
effort to establish a permanent election capacity for the ANC, linked to our
other campaigns. Comrade Peter Mokaba therefore served as Elections Manager
in 2001, until his untimely death in 2002.
CHALLENGES BEFORE CONFERENCE
The commissions at Conference on Building the ANC will discuss
and make recommendations on:
- Our election campaigns, and our broad vision for the 2004 elections.
- Review our list processes, whether indeed they result in
public representatives who reflect the character of the ANC and the deployment
of the best of our cadres to various positions.
- Ensure that an ongoing focus of our elections work is making
sure our people have IDs and are registered, especially first time voters,
but to also ensure that those who qualify are able to access their social
- Strengthening our capacity to monitor the implementation
and impact of our Election manifesto and monitor and support the work of ANC
- Ensuring that all our structures and public representatives
consistently keep contact and engage with voters.
E. Leading the programme of womens emancipation
Our struggle against apartheid integrated the struggle for gender equality
and the emancipation of women. The Strategy and Tactics adopted at Mafikeng
therefore states that transformation will only have real meaning if it addresses
the triple oppression of women. The ANC must therefore lead the efforts
aimed at eradicating these oppressive power relations in society. Within
its own ranks, it must entrench gender awareness and appropriate practices.
Women comprise 52% of the population, and a slightly larger percentage
in rural areas. More women than men are unemployed and women-headed households
are generally poor. Building a non-sexist society is a complex social process,
with many challenges and detours. Our definition of and goals towards the
achievement of gender equality are guided by our vision of human rights,
which incorporates the acceptance of the equal and unalienable rights of
men and women, a fundamental tenet of our Bill of Rights and Constitution.
This vision was further elaborated in the National Gender Policy Framework
of government, adopted in 2000.
50th Conference adopted a range of programme areas to take forward the
struggle for gender equality, including the elaboration of the role of the
ANC Womens League and the need to strengthen it; the introduction of one
third quota in all structures in the ANC Constitution, underpinned by a
capacity building programme; building a broad womens movement; strengthening
the gender machinery in government; action to reduce violence against women;
addressing maintenance violations; a review of all discriminatory customs,
traditions and other practices that are oppressive to women; and integrating
gender into the Strategy and Tactics and all programmes and policies of
The movement has taken steps to ensure that the one-third quota is implemented
within the NWC and NEC, ANC committees and delegations. We have had less
success at the levels of the PECs and RECs. We have strictly enforced the
gender quota in all our list processes for public representatives, and particularly
in the deployment of mayors after 2000. The ANCYL has also implemented a
quota of young women, who are either elected or co-opted onto their NEC
and PECs. The gender profile of our provincial staff and ward councillors
remains a problem. Women are also amongst the most active ANC members in
The objective of the quota is to ensure that there is a critical mass of
women in decision- and policy-making structures at all levels of the movement
and society, and that their participation takes forward the objectives of
gender equality. However, the challenge remains to turn the quantitative
progress into qualitative progress with regard to gender equality. Further,
the National Policy Conference recommended that we should use the 30% as
a minimum, not as a maximum as is the tendency.
The activities of the Gender Committee of the ANC has included work to
make the ANC disciplinary procedures more gender sensitive, monitoring and
engaging with the gender machinery in government and work on a comprehensive
gender policy for the country. Together with the Womens League it has raised
the profile of womens issues around the celebrations of August 9, National
Womens Day and activities with other organisations around the Days of Activism
against Violence against Women. The Gender committee also made detailed
recommendations on an approach to tackling violence against women; this
was referred to the Policy committee and has not been processed yet.
In addition to integrating gender in all aspects of the ANC programmes
and policies, the main instrument for the mobilisation of women is the ANC
Womens League. However, the League has been plagued with problems for most
of the period of this report. The activities and assessment of the League
will be covered in more detail in a later section. One of the main challenges
of this 51st National Conference is to discuss a programme to rejuvenate
the ANC Womens League.
The Political Education Unit had a pro-active programme to help build capacity
of women in the ANC and of the Womens League. This includes identifying
women leadership in the League and the ANC as one of the target groups for
the Political School pilot, ensuring a quota for women in all other political
education programmes, including in the training of political instructors,
assisting the ANCWL with a range of political education programmes, including
preparations for their Conferences and helping to organise a special workshop
for the League on women and job creation, before the Job Summit in 1998.
PETU has also developed a Gender and Transformation module, which was used
in the Political school project, in the ANCYL political school, provincial
political schools and to the Gender Committees of NUM and NEHAWU.
The National Executive Committee had a number of discussions, led by the
Gender Committee on the building of a progressive womens movement. The
NEC concluded that such a movement can only be built on the basis of a strong
ANCWL. At the ideological level, there is some indication of the internalisation
of gender sensitivity. However, in our discussion documents preparing for
51st Conference we noted that although Mafikeng tasked us to integrate gender
into the Strategy and Tactics, we were merely able to do a gender patchwork
to an already finished document.
F. The Leagues of the ANC
- The Women and Youth Leagues of the ANC are important mass sectoral formations
of the movement, aimed at the mobilisation of women and youth behind the vision
of the National Democratic Revolution. They are therefore organisationally
autonomous structures, with their own constitutions, programme and leadership,
guided by the overall policies, strategy and programme of the ANC.
ANC Womens League
Mafikeng confirmed the objectives of the ANC Womens League to place itself
at the centre of the struggle for gender emancipation, to defend and advance
the rights of women in the ANC and in society, and to ensure that women
play a full role in the life of the movement and in the national life of
the country. The Conference also committed the ANC to assist with the strengthening
of Womens League structures and to encourage ANC women, including young
women to play an active part in its work.
The Womens League continues to have a committed and loyal support base
amongst older, poor and working class women across the country, who identify
with the history, symbolism and traditions of the Womens League, and who
when mobilised, respond in large numbers whether it is to celebrate Womens
Day, in support of governments court case against the pharmaceutical companies,
or to protest against violence against children and women.
This social base of the ANCWL forms the backbone of most ANC branches,
playing an active role in recruitment teams. They remain the most consistent
support base of the ANC in all elections. The ANC Womens League programmes
have been mainly targeted at this constituency, mobilising women at local
level to participate in community structures (CPFs, SGBs, Health committees)
and projects, in protest action and as volunteers in the Letsema campaign.
The ANCWL continues to advocate for representation of a critical mass
of women at all levels of the movement and society. It has long won the
argument for a quota system in the ANC and is advancing this approach in
broader society. As a result, the ANC has in its ranks, in its leadership
collectives, amongst its public representatives and its deployed cadres
a fair representation of women.
- The League coordinates and engages with the gender machinery in government
and the legislatures, and Womens League members are active in structures
and womens caucuses set up at different levels. Its members in parliament,
legislatures and local councils are contributing toward raising awareness
about the integration and mainstreaming of gender in all policies of the movement
and of government.
In the continent and internationally, the progressive womens movement
continues to be inspired by the struggles and advances made by South African
women, and looks up to the ANC Womens League to share approaches and to
play a leadership role in putting gender issues at the centre of the renewal
of the continent and the creation of a better world.
However, like the ANC, the Womens League is faced with complex challenges.
These include the state of organisation of League structures at all levels,
making it difficult to harness the achievements of women and the non-participation
of large numbers of ANC women activists and leaders in the Womens League
structures. The League has serious capacity problems, at their headquarters,
provinces and regions, with their membership system and generally limited
resources. The weaknesses in the ANC, including at a theoretical level on
gender issues and some patriarchal attitudes amongst members of the ANC,
have also impacted on the League.
The Womens League National Conference, scheduled for 2000, was postponed
due to this weak state of organisation. At present, the League reported
that it has managed to launch only about 252 branches countrywide. Provinces
such as the Eastern Cape, KwaZulu Natal, Gauteng and Free State, where historically
we have had strong progressive womens organisation, are performing way
below potential in setting up Womens League branches. The slow progress
in the Limpopo province, where women constitute the majority and are amongst
the poorest, is a serious indictment on our movement.
- The Officials of the ANC and the NEC have engaged with the League leadership
around these challenges. Officials have also engaged ANC women leadership
about their non-participation in the structures of the League. This is an
important organisational question, which this conference must address.
CHALLENGES BEFORE CONFERENCE
We are making progress as a society towards changing the subservient
position of women, and to ensure that women rights are human rights. However,
the fundamental task of changing gender relations remains at the core of our
programme to build a non-sexist society. In this regard, the ANC Womens League
is an important instrument of the ANC to place itself at the head of gender
and womens struggle in our country. Challenges that this Conference must address
- Strengthen theoretical and ideological clarity in the movement
and society on patriarchy and its manifestations in our society, and thus
on the task of changing gender relations;
- Strengthen the Womens League, the participation of ANC women
in its structures and programmes and its capacity for organisational rejuvenation.
- Address how to position the ANCWL to give leadership to gender
struggles, and to broaden its social base in order to reach out to women
of other national groups and social strata.
- Organisational approaches to spearhead the mobilisation of women
and men against the abuse of women and children, and how to harness the
groundswell of support for such action.
ANC Youth League
The Mafikeng Conference also re-affirmed the main objective of the
ANC Youth League as uniting and leading the youth to deal with problems
facing them as a sector; ensure that the youth makes a full contribution
to the life of the ANC and the nation; to function as a political and organisational
preparatory school for young cadres of the movement, and to provide the
movement with organisational vibrancy and youthful political debate.
The Youth League at its Congresses defined its twin tasks as championing
the interests of youth in the ANC and in society, and to mobilise them behind
the vision of the ANC. It has been grappling with the challenge of renewing
itself, so that it remains relevant to the new generations of youth. The
constituency of the ANC Youth League increasingly consists of young women
and men, who grew up and entered their youth after the democratic breakthrough
of 1994. Their consciousness is therefore shaped by the objective environment
of a society where formal racial discrimination, indignity and oppression
have been outlawed. Yet, they are also products of a society in transition,
that is laying the foundation for a better life for all, but where the legacy
of apartheid underdevelopment still profoundly impact on all aspects of
The Youth League over the last five years has implemented a concerted
programme of organisational rejuvenation, which is beginning to bear fruits.
It has over the last five years implemented Operation Back-to-Basics to
revive its branches, improve its internal communication and cadre development,
membership system and support to branches, and implement mass campaigns
around issues affecting young people such as HIV and AIDS, substance abuse,
against racism in all its manifestations and around youth unemployment.
It is making steady progress in realigning its branches and to date has
launched 1 010 of its ward-based branches. It has effectively mobilised
around Solomon Mahlangu Day, June 16 Youth Day and its birthdays to create
awareness amongst young people and society generally about the issues of
youth. During its 58th anniversary in 2002, it organised very successful
activities, including the reburial of its founder member and first President,
comrade Anton Lembede. The Youth League has been very pro-active in giving
direction to the government youth machinery at all levels, and through its
legislatures and governance committee, has lobbied consistently for the
mainstreaming of youth issues in all government policies and programmes.
The League has made concerted efforts to reach out to different sectors
of the youth, to place itself at the centre of a broad youth movement and
to raise its profile as a champion of the youth: consolidating branches
on campuses and participating in SRC elections with SASCO and other progressive
student formations; building the Progressive Youth Alliance; a gender programme
to empower young women; engaging young professionals and business associations;
working with the IFP Youth Brigade on peace and youth development in KwaZulu
Natal; engaging Afrikaner youth organisations on issues of nation-building
and strengthening the South African Youth Council, a civil society body
of all youth organisations and structures. However, competition between
the ANCYL and SASCO on some campuses have led to situations where both organisations
contested SRC elections separately, thus splitting the progressive vote
and resulting in these campuses being controlled by other forces.
The League is also active in the international youth movement:- building
and strengthening the youth movement in the region and continent, advancing
Africas renaissance in various international forums in which it is either
a member or a participant, and pledging solidarity with struggles of youth
and the peoples of Western Sahara, Swaziland and Palestine.
A number of challenges still confront the Youth League and the movement.
Chief amongst these are to strengthen social and political activism amongst
youth to partake in the democratic life of our country and in the process
of social transformation as active participants. The fact that less than
50% of first time voters (18-20 years) registered and voted in the 1999
elections is a cause for concern, and so is the weak state of the student
movement at high schools and higher education levels. If, as a society and
a movement we fail to conscientise and mobilise the student and young professional
and intelligentsia, other forces will step into this vacuum, either mobilising
them as a force against change or demobilising them to think only of their
The unemployed and working poor youth make up a large proportion of
the youth constituency. The reality of structural unemployment we face means
that every year, hundreds and thousands of school-leavers join the ranks
of the unemployed. The ANC Youth League must therefore continue to militantly
advocate for, and the movement must be receptive to, ensuring that as part
of an overall employment, skills development and growth strategy, we give
hope to our youth. The Youth League, like its forbearers must also ensure
that it helps to strengthen the progressive trade union movement, especially
in the changing labour market, with many young people employed in the new
knowledge sectors and as casual labour.
The Congress Youth League historically has been the main think tank
and foot soldiers of the ANC on the tactics and approaches to mass mobilisation
and organisation. To continue to play this role, the ANC Youth League itself
must be a vibrant and resourceful mass movement of young people, contributing
to the renewal of the ANC and the broader mass movement, through its youthful
energy, creativity and ideas. It must not be scared to initiate and test
new ideas and approaches.
CHALLENGES BEFORE CONFERENCE
The ANC Youth League is an important organ of the ANC to ensure the
renewal of the movement and that it remains relevant to new generations. The
League has made progress in rejuvenating itself and raising its profile as a
champion of youth issues. However, the low levels of participation of first
time voters (18-25 years) who constitute only 7% of ANC total membership and
the mobilisation of the student constituency, is a cause for concern.
Conference must therefore discuss what we need to do to assist the
Youth League to increase its mobilisation of youth in all their sectors the
pioneers, learners at high schools, unemployed and students at higher education
levels. The ANC should ensure that it gives tasks to Youth Leaguers, so that
they feel that they have a role to play in the movement.
The role of the youth in building communities, social consciousness
regarding helping the aged, combating HIV/AIDS and volunteer work should also
G. The Alliance and the broad movement for transformation
The Tripartite Alliance is an organisational expression of the common
purpose and unity in action shared by the national liberation movement (the
ANC), the party of the working class (SACP) and the progressive trade union
movement (COSATU), who continue to jointly define and redefine their programmes
in the context of the goals and tasks of the National Democratic Revolution.
These organisations are committed to a united, non-racial, non-sexist,
democratic and prosperous South Africa. This means political liberation
of Africans in particular and black people in general, and uplifting the
quality of life of all South Africans, the majority of whom are African
and female. It means deracialisation of South African society in all its
elements and the reshaping of gender relations.
The Alliance partners with the ANC took part in defining this strategic
objective, and, to the extent that the struggle to reach this goal remains
in place, they will always have a close partnership with the ANC. The Tripartite
Alliance is therefore not a matter of sentiment, but an organisational expression
of the common purpose and unity in action that these forces share, and continue
jointly to define and redefine in the course of undertaking the tasks of
Strategy and Tactics identifies the ANC as the leader of the broad
movement for transformation. Its leadership has not been decreed, but earned
in the crucible of struggle and the battles for social transformation. It
should continually strengthen itself as a national political organisation
and ensure that it stays in touch with the people in their day-to-day life.
- In this vein, Strategy and Tactics identifies the following general
tasks for the ANC in respect of the Alliance, the broader movement for transformation
and civil society:
- In the context of our mission to mobilise all the classes and strata
that objectively stand to gain from the success of the cause of social
change, it is the task of the ANC to channel the energies of these forces
towards the goal of a non, racial, non-sexist and democratic nation.
- Recognising the central role of the working class in realising these
goals, to do so in close alliance with leading organisations of the working
class, in particular the South African Communist Party and the Congress
of South African Trade Unions.
- Link up with various political, community, sectoral and other formations
that share our strategic objective and contribute to their orientation
with regard to the major national questions of the day.
- To the extent that other broader forces share some short or even long-term
goals with the ANC, we should find ways of pooling efforts to achieve
- In the context of our mission to mobilise all the classes and strata
The purpose of our Alliance, therefore, is to mobilise the core social
forces of the revolution and their organised formations toward these tasks.
The Alliance partners, both as separate independent organisations, and as
members of the ANC in their own right, participate fully in shaping the
ANCs programmatic approach to these tasks. We would expect, therefore,
that each Alliance component would develop its own programme around these
tasks, and for the Alliance to then develop a common programme.
On the basis of this perspective we resolved at Mafikeng to strengthen
the Alliance at all levels, through a coordinated political programme around
the challenges of transformation of our society and to coordinate policy
development around these issues as an Alliance.
The Alliance interactions and programme have been co-ordinated by a range
of structures and processes, including the Alliance Secretariat, meetings
of Alliance Officials, ten-a-side meetings and annual Alliance Summits,
where broad strategic and policy issues were discussed. Alliance Summits
were held in 1997, 1998 and 2002. In 1999 and 1999 2001 there were no
full Alliance Summits, but ten-a-sides and other senior level meetings took
place consistently, including extended NEC meetings that agreed upon the
ANC Election Manifesto in both 1999 and 2000. The summits discussed a range
of major questions including re-examination of the political basis and programme
of the Alliance, and political and policy questions under discussion in
the country and between the Alliance partners. In this respect we went a
long way in coordinating both political programmes and policy development
within the Alliance. In all cases these discussions agreed on areas of consensus,
and identified clear processes where consensus could not be reached.
At a programmatic level, the highlights of Alliance relations over the
last five years were the common programmes of action around the 1999 and
2000 elections. The 1999 campaign in particular marked a high point in unity
in action of our constituencies and our people to vote ANC. Central to this
unity in action were detailed Alliance processes to arrive at a common policy
platform for the elections. As noted above, in both 1999 and 2000, these
processes of extensive discussion culminated in extended Alliance NEC meetings
to finalise the manifesto. Also important for our ability to mobilise the
Alliance and MDM forces around the ANC for Elections has been the democratic,
open and transparent nature of our list processes, which have been open
to direct engagement from the Alliance and broader civil society.
The Alliance has also played an important role in preparations for
both the World Conference Against Racism and the World Summit on Sustainable
Development, working with government to develop perspectives and approaches
and engaging South African and international civil society around the perspectives
of the Alliance on key questions facing the world.
The Alliance partners, COSATU and the SACP, have also taken up important
campaigns aimed at deepening transformation and our democracy. These include
ongoing campaigns and programmes by COSATU around issues such as skills
development, the labour laws, work place safety, the rights of vulnerable
workers such as domestic and farm workers and so forth. COSATU also consistently
sought to strengthen the labour movement as a whole, interacting with other
unions, building one industry one union, ongoing membership recruitment,
policy development and advocacy and strengthening COSATU locals. COSATU
affiliates also engaged various government departments around transformation
in a range of sectors including transport, energy, telecommunications, mining,
clothing and textile, and so forth. It also plays an active and consistent
role in the National Economic Development Labour Council (NEDLAC).
The SACP campaign around the restructuring of the financial sector
has found resonance amongst sectors beyond the support base of the Party.
Its annual focus during Red October months, on themes such as transformation
of the banks, cooperatives, social security and its input into the Financial
Sector Summit, has played an important role to raise the profile of the
SACP and to ensure mass mobilisation for the transformation of a very important
sector of the economy.
Unfortunately, the joint work based on the common perspectives of the Alliance
outlined in Strategy and Tactics, and the specific tasks resolved at Mafikeng,
has been overshadowed by tensions within the Tripartite Alliance. It has
emerged that our Alliance partners, in particular COSATU, do not share the
understanding of the Alliance as evolved at the Conferences of the ANC.
Instead they regard the Alliance as a forum in which to bargain for changes
to aspects of government policy that are of specific importance to the organised
working class such as labour market legislation, macro-economic policy,
particularly fiscal policy and the restructuring of state owned enterprises.
Another difference between us has been around the process of government
policy formulation and how the Alliance should relate to this process. COSATU
has argued for an Alliance-in-government, co-determination and a political
centre, whereby the Alliance would jointly formulate government policies,
such as the budget. The ANC has held that the many common processes that
already exist (such as the Alliance Summits, the drafting of election manifestos
in 1999 and 2000 and other existing forums) are sufficient for arriving
at a common Alliance programme.
As independent organisations, the National Conferences or Congresses
of the ANC, COSATU and the SACP are the highest decision-making bodies that
adopt policies. It is important that within the Alliance, we respect the
policy making process of each component.
In general, the SACP has supported the line adopted by COSATU. This is
in spite of the fact that members of the SACP have participated directly
in all the deliberations behind the decisions and policy formulations in
all ANC gatherings. The contestation over government policy has included
a series of political strikes.
In the context of these serious tensions within the Alliance, the ANC
too has not prioritised its own relation, as a political centre, to the
various independent organisations and forces that constitute progressive
civil society. It has also been found wanting in the task of leading these
forces through action and engagement to build a partnership between the
state and civil society at all levels. In the absence of engagement from
the ANC, some of these organs of civil society have too easily drifted toward
oppositional stances, rather than seeing the ANC as a partner in the transformation
of our society.
Another unresolved question in our Alliance relations has been the definition
of our relationship with the South African National Civics Organisation.
SANCO participated in the Ekurhuleni Alliance Summit as a full partner.
Nevertheless, uncertainty still surrounds its role in the Alliance at all
level: i.e. are they a full member of the Alliance or a plus one an
addendum to the Tripartite Alliance. Conference will therefore have to engage
in a discussion on this matter.
The challenges facing us at this 51st Conference, therefore include:
- Defining the key tasks in the current period and the role of each
Alliance partner in taking forward the tasks identified,
- Developing a common understanding of the political nature of the
Alliance, by ensuring that all Alliance members share common tools of analysis
of society and building the ANCs capacity to continually carry out these
tasks within the Alliance and broader civil society.
- To guide the implementation of a common programme of the Alliance,
jointly and individually, to take forward the tasks of transformation. The
basis for such an Alliance programme is, we believe, contained in tasks of
the NDR identified above.
- Strengthening the ANC, its unity and capacity to mobilise the motive
forces and to use the various centres of power to bring about a better life
for all our people.
- Strengthening the capacity of the ANC to participate in the ideological
struggle, the battle of ideas, across all spheres of society and engage constructively
throughout progressive civil society. It is in this context that the ideological
struggle against both ultra-leftism and neo-liberalism should be seen, as
a battle of ideas, rather than being personalized.
- In particular we need to more clearly identify the practical tasks
facing the ANC as a movement at national, provincial and regional level in
relation to the Alliance, broader civil society and government.
H. Leadership to society
At each stage of the historical development of the ANC, its leadership
and cadreship were able to adapt to the demands of the moment, mobilise
the people and place the organisation at the forefront of popular struggles
for change. The movement therefore developed as a peoples movement in theory
and in practice, recognising that a leadership role is earned, not decreed.
- The new phase of struggle post-1994 placed a different set of demands on
the movement, in playing this historic role. Mafikeng summarised these in
the five basic pillars:
- Build and strengthen the ANCs capacity to lead the people in the task
of social transformation;
- Deepen democracy, human rights and mobilise for peoples participation
in the process of change;
- Strengthen the hold of the democratic forces on state power and transform
it to serve the cause of social change;
- Pursue economic growth, development and redistribution to change peoples
quality of life;
- Work with progressive forces in the world to advance Africas agenda.
- Build and strengthen the ANCs capacity to lead the people in the task
During the last five years, we have made steady progress in building
the capacity of the ANC, as instructed by Conference. Through a combination
of our strengthened branch structures, engaging our Alliance partners, our
internal and external communications and strengthening of our capacity at
HQ, in the provinces and regions we have been hard at work to strengthen
the mass character of the ANC.
The deployment of NEC members to provinces and to various meetings and
activities was an important part of the political work required of NEC members
during this period. We took a decision in principle to introduce sectoral
deployments, to enable us to have dedicated teams of NEC members to do political
work amongst various mass formations of the motive forces as defined previously.
However, this decision has not been fully implemented, and the movement
is much the weaker for it.
Considerable advances have been made to strengthen our internal and
external communications. After the National General Council, we emphasized
internal communications, because it is primarily through an informed ANC
membership and cadreship that we can explain our programme and the challenges
we face to our people and different sectors. The range of ANC print and
electronic media have also played an important part in ensuring unmediated
communications on the positions, policies and programmes of the movement.
Our regular media included the NEC Bulletin, produced after every NEC meeting
and distributed by fax and e-mail to provinces, ANC e-mail users and NEC
members. Between NEC meetings, the NWC also produced, less frequent NWC
Briefings on programmatic matters. Other media include an annual programme
of action manual for branches, a booklet (in all 11 languages), on WHAT
IS THE ANC? for use for the induction of new members, the relaunched MAYIBUYE
and UMRABULO, our journal for political education and debate. The ANC online
weekly newsletter, ANC TODAY, was launched in 2001. It is available on the
Internet, distributed by e-mail to more than 2000 subscribers and printed
copies are also distributed to provinces and regions.
The NGC instructed the movement to play a more proactive role in strengthening
the ideological leadership and engagement on matters of national debate.
The NEC at its Lekgotla in 2001 established an Ideological Task Team, to
look at the whole spectrum of institutions and areas where the battle of
ideas and knowledge production takes place, and to allow for a more integrated
approach to these. Work identified by the task team includes matters such
as moral regeneration, values in education, strengthening diversity in the
communications arena, research, nation building and the transformation of
arts and culture and so forth. Though the task team initiated work in some
of these areas, it has not functioned adequately to enable us to make a
decisive impact on all these areas.
The movement has, making use of the various centres it occupies, engaged
with a range of forces in society towards building consensus on the common
challenges we face as a nation. At local levels the creation of structures
such as School Governing Bodies, Community Policing Forums and ward committees
are important instruments to deepen local democracy. Our participatory approach
to the development policy and legislation found expression in public hearings,
provision of information and constituency work done by our legislatures
The Offices of the President and Premiers have played important roles
through the izimbizo, rotating meetings of provincial cabinets
and working groups structures to engage important national sectors such
as organised labour and business, the religious and cultural communities
and so forth on various matters of national importance. Various ministries
in their line function areas are also following similar approaches.
The Youth League has continued with its proactive programme of reaching
out to different sectors of the youth the student sector, youth in the
arts and culture, Afrikaner youth organisations and so forth; whilst at
the same time working to strengthen the Progressive Youth Alliance and the
South African Youth Council.
The movement, especially after the 1999 elections, also faced a number
of challenges to its position as the leader of South African society. These
challenges took a number of forms, including the public debate and challenges
on HIV/AIDS and the best strategy to tackle the disease, the arms procurement
package, issues of corruption and various areas of economic and social policy
(restructuring of state owned enterprises, approach to comprehensive social
secuprivatisation, the basic income grant, land reform, etc).
In a number of instances, subjective weaknesses on our part such as
poor communication on our position and approach and limited engagement with
social forces who share our perspectives resulted in some of these issues
whittling away at our programme of building unity of purpose and in action
amongst the progressive forces and society in general around the enormous
task of addressing the legacy of apartheid. This provided space for both
the right and the ultra-left to attack the movement on issues ranging from
the pace of delivery, to the challenges of unemployment and poverty.
The ANCs position on these all these matters is informed by an approach
that avoids short cuts to the solution of complex social issues, to identify
those issues that would result in sustainable solutions and seeking to engage
and win over society to its own point of view. In addition, the movement
must also ensure that it learns from its mistakes and when the need arises,
change approaches after intense and thoroughgoing debates in our ranks.
This period has also seen changes in the opposition ranks, with which the
movement had to engage. On the one hand, we continued with our efforts of
co-operation with the Inkatha Freedom Party, based on the need to ensure
lasting peace in KwaZulu Natal and the common constituency that we share,
who objectively stand to gain from the success of our transformation efforts.
Thus, following the end of the Government of National Unity period in 1999,
we continued co-operation with the IFP in national government and established
joint structures to consolidate the message of peace and normalise relations
between membership of the ANC and the IFP in KwaZulu Natal and in Gauteng.
The second democratic elections in 1999 saw further significant shifts
in opposition politics. It consolidated the shift amongst white voters from
Volkstaat politics to politics of ensuring white interests, evident in the
decline of the fortunes of the Freedom Front and other white rightwing parties.
The Democratic Party, with its fight back message, emerged as the official
opposition and the new party of white South Africans, having eroded significantly
the base of the New National Party and the Freedom Front. Its elections
strategy also focused on targeting of certain provinces (Western Cape, Gauteng,
Northern Cape, KwaZulu Natal) where demographic and political factors may
be in their favour, efforts to penetrate African areas, and by portraying
the ANC with its near two-third majority as a threat to democracy.
The fact that no single party in 1999 won an outright majority in KwaZulu
Natal and the Western Cape prompted discussions on coalition governments
in these two provinces. The ANC opted for a coalition government with the
IFP in KwaZulu Natal based on our shared mass base in rural areas and a
coalition with the NNP in the Western Cape, who won a large portion of the
coloured working class vote in this province.
The NNP, having just suffered a defeat at the hands of the DP, chose to
join hands with the DP in the Western Cape, aimed at excluding the ANC,
who won the largest portion of the vote in the province, but not an outright
majority. From a position of weakness and with large-scale defections from
its ranks, it further allowed itself to be cajoled into the Democratic Alliance
as a junior partner in the lead-up to the 2000 elections. The Democratic
Alliance therefore meant the coming together of the networks of the former
white ruling political elite, elements of white business and sections of
the white middle and working classes concerned about falling standards.
It invoked a veneer of liberalism, claiming the "anti-apartheid credentials"
of the Progressive Federal Party merely to justify and legitimise opposition
The changes brought about by the transition, resulted in sections of
the white community recognising the folly of the DA and its followers. They
recognised the limitations of the brand of opposition politics, which ultimately
seeks to isolate the white community from the majority of South Africans
and their government, forcing the entire white population into becoming
a whingeing and marginalised minority. Fortunately, the overwhelming majority
of white South Africans know that South Africa is their only home and that
they need to play a role in the reconstruction and development of their
The marriage of convenience between the DP and the NNP was therefore bound
to fail, because the DA has neither the vision, policies or tactics that
will enhance the participation of white South Africans in the political
and general life of our country. The cracks in the DA were evident since
its birth, with MPs and MPLs from both the Nats and the DP approaching the
ANC and struggles between the two components for the leadership of the alliance.
This was particularly evident in the Western Cape, where even though the
NNP got the vast majority of the votes, they were treated as junior partners,
with all four DP MPLs occupying key portfolios in the provincial cabinet.
These internal contradictions came to a head, culminating in the decision
by the NNP Federal Council in October 2001 to withdraw from the DA. The
ANC approach to this development was informed by the need to break the racial
mode of opposition politics, which the DA presented. We thus entered into
cooperation with the NNP, with a view to further the objectives of nation-building
It is in the context of this realignment within opposition ranks that
the debate of crossing of the floor arose. It is not a new debate in the
political evolution of our young democracy it was introduced during the
CODESA negotiations before 1994 and NEC has been debating it since before
the 1999 elections. Our Constitution provides for parliament to pass an
Act to allow for crossing of the floor, and for existing parties to change
their names, to merge or subdivide. The principled position adopted by the
NEC, after long debates, was that we should through legislation make provision
for crossing of the floor, only when and if there is a major shift in political
CHALLENGES BEFORE CONFERENCE
- Amongst the challenges faced by the movement to strengthen its leadership
of society include:
- Ensure that the ANC is strongly rooted among our people;
- Improve ideological engagement by the ANC at all levels of discourse
and formulation of policy.
- Strengthen sectoral work and engagement, winning over issue-based
organisations and social movements that may appear hostile to our movement
or to government and strengthen the activism of ANC members in civil society.
- Strengthen our internal and external communication strategy
and capacity; and
- Engage all sectors of society in building consensus on the key
national issues facing our society.
I. Relations between Organisational structures and
Making an impact on the lives of our people requires an integrated programme
of action between the ANCs organisational and constitutional structures
and governance, as well as dynamic coordination amongst these centres. This
is key to our ability to effectively mobilise our people behind the task
of social transformation.
The Mafikeng Conference emphasized this approach, when resolving that
there is only one ANC irrespective of areas of operation. (The) ANC and
its structures are central to the management and coordination of all processes
of governance and the ANC needs to (build its capacity) to enable it to
meet the demands of governance." The resolutions of Conference instructed
the NEC to ensure that our caucuses function effectively, to strengthen
accountability of councillors, that our structures play an effective role
in policy making, implementation and monitoring and to strengthen participatory
Mobilising our people behind the task of social transformation:
Mass and local campaigns taken up by our branches and regions,
the structured interactions between government and communities through izimbizo,
cabinet meeting the people, parliamentary public hearings, local forums
and consultations on various policy and implementation programmes have been
ways in which we have sought to ensure that our people are dynamically involved
in the process of creating a better life for all.
We have greatly improved the participation of all our structures in
community policing forums, school governing bodies, other community forums
and the newly established ward committees. The Letsema campaign in 2002,
with its theme months also highlighted the immense potential for targeted
cooperation between government and the organisation, in the mobilisation
of our people.
Whilst all these initiatives have contributed towards deepening democracy
and our peoples participation, there are a number of weaknesses we must
address. These include the capacity of our branches and regions to have
consistent and relevant programmes in communities around issues of development
whether it is to mobilise targeted sectors (children, the elderly, disabled,
women) to access social grants and poverty alleviation projects, housing,
school nutrition or free basic services or to access services aimed at SMMEs,
emerging farmers or training. This weakness often means that we then respond
to a crisis, or get overtaken by other forces who mobilise our people around
their genuine grievances.
In addition, our weakness at local levels also means that we are not doing
enough to root out corrupt practices, that see poor people being forced
to pay bribes for services that they are entitled to or that resources which
are supposed to assist our people to get out of the cycle of poverty, end
up in the pockets of corrupt individuals. For the ANC to become an effective
agent for change, we must ensure that we build and strengthen this local
capacity to be responsive to the needs of our people.
Another weakness we faced, and that we have begun to address, is how to
strengthen our structures to become centres of information for our people.
The poor, vulnerable and indigent are often the least likely to have information
on services available to them. As a movement with our bias towards the poor,
the ANC should be in the forefront of reaching out to these sections of
our people. The ANC as the majority party in national, provincial and local
government has at its disposal an army of public representatives more
than 287 MPs, ? MPLs and over 7000 councillors, who should be playing a
central role in ensuring that governance is brought closer to our people
and enabling ANC structures to have first-hand information on the policies
and programmes of government in every area of human activity.
In addition, we must further strengthen the flow of information between
Cabinet, the Executives, mayoral committees and our structures at all levels.
The implementation of the decision to co-opt as observers into the NEC,
PECs, RECs and BECs those comrades deployed in positions of responsibility
has assisted in improving coordination and information flow amongst our
structures, and has strengthened the ANC constitutional structures as the
Policy development, implementation and monitoring: The
National Conference sets the broad policy framework of the ANC. These are
developed into specific priorities for government in our Election manifesto
every five-year term, and further developed into implementation plans in
government, under the political supervision of ANC structures in government.
At a national level, the NEC Lekgotla at the beginning of each
year set annual benchmarks and priorities, in addition to regularly discussing
the work of government. NEC Committees focus on the policy and implementation
issues for different clusters and line functions. The NEC committees include
ANC cadres in the Executive, the study groups and the organisational structures.
This policy process has been operating with varying degrees of success,
and in general has had a positive impact on the work of the ANC in government.
Most provinces also annually have makgotla to determine governance
priorities for the year and have established PEC committees around clusters
and line functions.
The Policy review processes undertaken at the NGC and before National
Conference are an important part of our policy cycle, to enable National
Conference to assess progress and to pronounce on matters of policy and
the direction for the next period. The processes leading up to the National
Policy Conference saw the holding of sectoral summits (on land, economic
policy, health, welfare, sports etc), committee workshops and wide-ranging
discussions in branches and regions, culminating in Provincial Policy Conferences.
The National Policy Conference itself, attended by 688 delegates from ANC
branches, regions and provinces, the Leagues, NEC, MKMVA, COSATU, the SACP,
SANCO, progressive NGOs and other civil society organs, was characterised
by robust debate and a diversity of views. The overarching pre-occupation
of all delegates was how we should move faster to address the twin problems
of poverty and unemployment.
The draft resolutions of the National Policy Conference were distributed
to structures and for public comment, and will be tabled for discussion,
amendment and adoption by the 51st Conference as our policy framework for
the next five years.
ANC cadres deployed in government are developing new skills and capacities
in various strategic areas, but these cadres and others in various sectors
of the mass movement are thinly dispersed. Our constitutional structures
make insufficient provision for them to interact as cadres of change, and
they often do not have a readily available political centre that engages
and coordinates with them. As a result, their impact becomes diffused and
they become isolated, with a tendency to consider their terrain as the all-important
one, often accompanied by narrow technocratic approach to strategic questions.
We must continue to examine the nature and form of the guidance to be given
to ANC deployees in government, at all levels. It must also look at the
channels that should exist for communication and deliberation on ANC policy
and programmes in government.
Since 1994, the ANC policy capacity at HQ has been drastically reduced,
and this impacted on the ability of the ANC to effectively monitor implementation
and the impact of our policies on the motive forces and our mission. The
Policy committee has been active in developing an approach to the establishment
of a Policy institute, and a Stalwarts Research Trust was established to
take forward this decision. The decision to create a policy institute and
a political school, once implemented on full scale, should help to inform
strategic policy determination by the ANC, enable us to review the impact
of our policies, assist long term planning, address new questions and to
provide a forum for open debate and engagement in the battle of ideas amongst
cadres, wherever they are deployed.
Functioning of ANC caucuses: Mafikeng debated
whether caucuses should be given formal constitutional status in the structures
of the movement. Although the Conference did not go this far, it adopted
clear guidelines on the participation of all ANC public representatives
in caucuses, on the role of caucuses in the movement. Most of our caucuses
at all levels have thus functioned fairly well, except where political problems
in ANC structures also impacted on the functioning of governance. We have
improved our mastery of parliament and the legislatures as arenas of transformation
after the 1999 elections.
National parliament held a workshop in 2000 to discuss and make policy
recommendations on the role of parliament and the relations between the
different structures of parliament. Whilst this has been an important step,
we have not been able to develop a coherent approach towards the transformation
of parliament and our operations in parliament. Governance committees have
been established in all legislatures and in 2001 the NEC appointed a Political
Committee, responsible for the political management of the ANC in parliament.
The Political Committee and Governance Committee have not operated optimally,
and more needs to be done to strengthen their operations and effectiveness.
We have developed a more strategic approach towards involving caucuses
and our public representatives in the political life of the movement including
strengthening caucus and study groups; and regular briefings by Officials
at national and provincial levels to caucus. Caucuses have also taken initiatives
towards involving our public representatives in policy discussions and some
have developed vibrant political education programmes.
Local government: We approached the 2000 local
government elections with widespread concerns from our support base about
the performance of local councillors. The nation-wide audit of all ANC local
councillors also pointed to a number of challenges we face in this sphere
of government. A key message of our 2000 elections campaign was therefore
speeding up change at local level, ensuring accountability and local participation,
and a commitment that the ANC will monitor councillors and remove anyone
not in keeping with our values of service to the people. The NEC thus after
the elections, confirmed detailed guidelines on accountability structures
for local councillors. However, because this process coincided with realignment
of ANC structures, it has not been as effective as it should have been,
and more needs to be done to address relations between our branches, regions
and governance structures at local level.
We have also sought to, in the new local government dispensation, ensure
that we create developmental local government that is responsive to the
needs of our people, which are integrated and accountable to communities.
An important component of this was the introduction of ward committees and
Integrated Development Plans, which allows for local community input into
the priorities of local government.
We have, following the 2000 elections, put in place accountability
structures, which were finalised as we moved towards completion of the ANC
realignment processes. The realignment of ANC regions and branches to mirror
governance district/metro and ward structures is an important instrument
to ensure that ANC structures are able to effectively articulate with this
most important sphere of governance.
Since the phasing in of the new local government dispensation, much has
been done to build the capacity of this sphere including the deployment
of cadres as mayors to metros, district and strategic towns, training for
local councillors through ANC political education, EETU and SALFA processes,
augmenting the capacity-building being done by the Department of Provincial
and Local government.
During this period, we also established a national Local Government Forum,
which drew in ANC councillors and caucuses at this level, the relevant MinMECs,
as well as the Secretary Generals Office and Provincial Secretaries to
make recommendations on relevant issues in this important sphere of work.
However, the forum has met very inconsistently, due to lack of capacity
at HQ to provide support and follow-up on recommendations from the forum.
Selection of ANC public representatives: Within
the proportional representative system for national and provincial government,
and the mixed system for local government, the ANC continues to have amongst
the most democratic systems of selecting public representatives. Our list
process, which starts with nominations at branch level, includes the Alliance
partners all the way up to national list conferences. The manner in which
the process is structured thus facilitates democratic participation of ANC
members in selecting public representatives and political balancing, addressing
issues of gender, skills, geographic spread and the national question. During
our list process for local government, we also introduced community participation
element in our list process.
However, our list process has not been without problems. On the one level,
the problems reflect our weak state of organisation at the time of the process
in 1999 and 2000. Thus, in provinces where we had no vibrant branches or
zero branches in some case, where divisions and factionalism plagued our
structures, members capacity to ensure that the process proceeded correctly,
that we rid our ranks of opportunistic and corrupt elements and that indeed
we select the most dedicated and the best to serve our people. On another
level, we need to continually look at the process itself and see how it
can be improved and strengthened.
Amongst the things that we must implement with rigour, is regular organisational
audits of the performance of our public representatives in all spheres,
because it will go a long way to ensuring a coherent and cohesive ANC that
is operating as one in all spheres of authority and responsibility and ANC
public representatives that genuinely serve our people.
J. International work
- Arising from the Mafikeng and NGC resolutions, the International programme
of the movement during this period focused on:
- Promoting the vision and programme of the African Renaissance and the
promotion of African developmental challenges, democracy and peace.
- Working for the transformation and strengthening of African regional
- Promoting South-to-South co-operation, in addition to North/South interaction.
- Reform of the multilateral organisations towards building a more equitable
and just world order.
- The transformation of the Department of Foreign Affairs, including
our missions abroad.
- Preparations for SA hosting international events including the Non-Alignment
Movement Summit, the World Conference on Racism, Xenophobia & other
forms of intolerance and the World Summit on Sustainable Development.
- Strengthen ANC participation in Socialist International affairs.
- Promoting the vision and programme of the African Renaissance and the
Taking forward this programme required coordination between the organisational
and governance components, and the International Committee played an important
role in ensuring that these complementary roles were balanced. The NWC and
NEC also regularly discussed international matters both in the form of
briefings on particular developments on the continent and strategic discussions
on the approach the movement and South Africa should follow.
- Vision and Programme on the African Renaissance:
Following the elaboration of our vision of the Renaissance, its objectives
and motive forces in the 1997 Strategy and Tactics, much progress have been
achieved over the last five years, including:
- The consolidation of the position that problems on the continent need
to be addressed first and foremost by the continental structures;
- Strengthening of continental structures, in particular the process
leading up to and including the launch of the African Union in July 2002;
- Progress with the resolution of conflicts on the continent, in particular
the DRC, Angola, Burundi, Sierra Leone, Comoros Islands and Sudan.
- Impact of actions by the OAU/AU to prevent and intervene in situations
where unconstitutional changes of government take place;
- The development of NEPAD as a programme of the continent to address
its social, economic and political challenges as a united force; and
- The increasing prominence of issues of development and poverty, and
thus the issues of Africa on the world agenda.
- The consolidation of the position that problems on the continent need
- The organisational programmes included bilateral interactions with a
range of parties on the continent, the convening of a number of meetings of
the Southern African former liberation movements forums, sharing experiences
with countries emerging from conflicts of our own negotiations process, our
transition and reconstruction programme and engagements with other African
political parties and movement on party building and organisation.
- Education work included focusing on the vision of the renaissance in
all our political education work, consistently covering developments on the
continent in our media such as ANC Today and Umrabulo, in meetings of our
structures and including the celebration of Africa Day on our political calendar.
Furthermore, the launch of the African Union in Durban, South Africa also
provided an opportunity for much greater organisational and public debate,
education, mobilisation and awareness on the challenges facing the continent
and the role of South Africa.
- A number of our provinces have also become involved in provincial Renaissance
chapters, and KZN has for example successfully hosted annual Renaissance conferences.
- The Youth League are active in various continental bodies, including the
Southern African Youth Forum, which it initiated, the Pan African Youth Movement
and it serves as the Deputy President and on the Africa desk of the International
Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY). It has organised and hosted a number of conferences
on the role of youth in the African renaissance. The Womens League is also
an active participant in the Pan African Womens Organisation.
- Solidarity Campaigns: In addition to the solidarity campaigns
identified by Mafikeng, the NGC also highlighted other areas where we need
to work with other structures in solidarity actions. The International committee
and the movement broadly have therefore been involved in solidarity activities,
- Mobilising humanitarian relief for internal refugees in Angola, in
cooperation with other civil society organs such as the SACC and the Ministry
of Social Development;
- Support for the struggle of the Saharawi people for self-determination,
including regular briefings from Polisario Front representatives and a
motion in parliament on the matter.
- Participating in mass activities to highlight the plight of the Palestinian
- Joining the Friends of Cuba Society in various activities calling for
an end to the blockade, and highlighting various bilateral programmes
we have as countries.
- Mobilising humanitarian relief for internal refugees in Angola, in
Socialist International and Party-to-party engagements:
As instructed by Conference, in 1998 the NEC finalised the decision to the
join the Socialist International, and the movement has been an active participant
in this body. The SI provides us with a platform to engage with other progressive
parties from across the world, especially the South and to raise the issues
of the African Renaissance and a more just world order in this forum.
The ANC through bilateral meetings and visits has strengthened its relations
with the following parties: the Swedish Social Democratic Party, Communist
Party of China, the Communist Party of Vietnam, the German Social Democratic
Party, SWAPO, ZANU-PF, FRELIMO, MPLA, Rwanda Patriotic Front, Uganda National
Resistance Movement, PDP of Nigeria, Botswana National Front, Botswana Democratic
Front, AFORD of Malawi, New Labour Party of Britain, Sinn Fein of Ireland,
Polisario of Western Sahara, Workers party of Congo (Brazzaville), French
Social Party, Belgium Social Parties (Flemish and French), RCD of GOMA
DRC, CAIPV of Cape Verde and Jamariya National Movement of Libya. We have
also interacted with the following parties/organisations and institutions:
The MDC of Zimbabwe, Citizens Coalition of Zambia, Botswana Democratic
Party, Swaziland Solidarity Network and with a range of embassies and high
commissions based in South Africa, who regularly receive invitations to
participate in ANC programmes such as the January 8th Anniversary Celebrations
and the NGC.
Strengthening the ANC International capacity: a
very small unit at HQ did much of the international work, with assistance
from the SGO and Presidency and members of the International Committee.
In addition, the unit has also worked with NGOs in the sector, including
the Institute for Global Dialogue, ACCORD and the Africa Institute. Following
a decision to this effect, provinces started to establish international
committees, but this was uneven, with insufficient coordination from national.
Both the Leagues have active international units.
We have also regularly invited the SACP and COSATU to meetings and
programmes of the International Committee. The Alliance also played an active
role in mobilisation and engaging other organs of civil society in the preparations
for the WCAR and the WSSD. A joint alliance workshop on NEPAD and the African
Union was also held in 2002.
K. NEC, NWC and Officials
For the ANC to remain strong and to have the ability to lead the nation
in its transformation agenda, it needs a strong coherent, cohesive leadership
in all spheres of its work. The NEC, in accordance with the Constitution
(Rule 11.1) is the highest organ of the ANC between Conferences and has
the authority to lead the organisation, subject to the provisions of the
The NEC agreed on a number of operational measures to carry out its
mandate. It elected the NWC as per the Constitution, and it agreed to meet
more regular than the three monthly meetings set out in the Constitution.
The elected NWC was tasked to process organisational and administrative
matters, so that the NEC meetings, in the main, discuss political and other
strategic matters facing the movement and the country. It divided its meetings
between discussing Organisational, Governance and International matters.
The NEC, in its regular meetings, has ensured sufficient time for political
discussions, which assisted in building political cohesion and allowed it
to have political solutions to problems and challenges facing our people
and the movement. This is something, which the NWC and NEC in its interactions
with lower structures strongly encouraged and took steps to ensure that
this good practise is replicated throughout the structures of the movement.
The NEC held more than thirty (30) meetings, including annual makgotla
at the beginning of each year and extended meetings with the Alliance to
finalise Elections Manifestos and lists. It further established Policy and
Organisational Committees and task teams to process different components
of its work. All NEC members were deployed to specific provinces, with a
view to facilitate communication and do political work in the provinces.
NEC members were also deployed to Policy and Organisational Committees,
to ensure continued assessment and monitoring of the implementation and
impact of policies.
The NEC has been able to largely fulfil its mandate. It operated relatively
effectively and efficiently and has managed to exercise leadership in the
key areas of its work. In continuous critical evaluation of its work, it
has managed to correct some of the weaknesses identified. As the highest
constitutional structure of the ANC between National Conferences, the NEC
must take responsibility for the organisational shortcomings and weaknesses
identified, and the problems experienced in the implementation of organisational
and governance programmes.
The NEC has endeavoured to address the problems identified, and exercise
decisive leadership, in a number of ways. Both the NWC and NEC meet regularly.
The NWC meetings have deliberately been held in the different provinces,
with direct engagement by NWC members and NEC Deployees with branches, regions
and the Leagues. This has enabled a more hands-on approach and ensured the
NWC has a visible, direct interaction with branches, regions and the PECs
in their own areas.
The NEC has specifically deployed a number of its senior members to HQ
to ensure the ongoing day-to-day management of ANC affairs. This, together
with weekly meetings of Officials, has greatly improved the political centre
of the movement. However, this does not adequately address the need for
sufficient skilled staff, including in key areas such as policy, communications,
international and political education. Inadequate financial and human resources
remain a constraint on the greater effectiveness of HQ and the NEC.
To ensure more effective coordination between organisational structures
and governance, the NEC invited as observers to all its meetings, senior
cadres deployed in government. These have included Premiers, Ministers and
Deputy Ministers and Parliamentary Office bearers who were not directly
elected members of the NEC. These members were given responsibilities, including
participating in NEC committees and deployment to provinces. This decision
has helped to ensure that ANC cadres with national responsibilities in government
are informed about the direction of the movement, and has thus added value
to the implementation of policies of the movement in government.
The National Working Committee in accordance with the Constitution
(Rule 12.6) is responsible for carrying out decisions and instructions of
National Conference and the NEC; conducting the current work of the ANC
and ensuring that provinces, regions, branches and all other ANC structures
such as parliamentary caucuses carry out decisions of the ANC; and to report
to each NEC meeting.
- The NWC met at least every two weeks, and held more than a hundred meetings
during the five years. NWC work focused on: -
- Implementation of decisions of the NEC and ensuring that matters are
properly processed for discussion and decision by the NEC;
- Monitoring the state of organisation, including through the visits to
provinces, reports from NEC Deployees and HQ and ensuring that corrective
measures are put in place where needed;
- Monitoring governance by processing reports from NEC Committees, interaction
with the ANC Parliamentary and Cabinet caucus and taking decisions on
governance issues referred to it by these structures;
- Discussions on political developments of the day and the interventions
needed, including on matters such as the Alliance, the WCAR and WSSD preparations,
taking forward the African Renaissance at both governance and organisational
levels, the realignment of opposition forces and so forth.
- Implementation of decisions of the NEC and ensuring that matters are
The Officials during this period met on a weekly basis, processing
matters for the NWC and NEC and ensuring that the overall programme of the
movement is implemented and giving direction to such implementation.
NEC Committees: NEC Policy and Organisational
Committees were established to carry forward specialised tasks and areas
of work of the National Executive Committee, to guide provincial and local
structures and to engage with governance and civil society structures in
their particular areas of work. The NEC Provincial Committees had to facilitate
communication between national and lower structures, to support political
work in the provinces and to be a dynamic link between the NEC and lower
structures. The committees also help to facilitate and direct the involvement
of ANC structures in mobilising behind key programmes set out in the Organisational
Action Plan for the year.
There has been improvement in the functioning of NEC committees, especially
after some restructuring proposals, which were adopted by the NEC in March
2001. The proposals focused on ensuring that members do not have too many
committee responsibilities and to strengthen other committees such as the
Gender Committee. However, despite greater focus in the work of committees,
a number of committee reports indicate poor participation by NEC members,
weak links with lower structures of the organisation and other organisations
in their sectors.
Most committees have invited the participation of Alliance partners in
their meetings and activities. Committees have also been submitting regular
reports to the NEC, and played a role in preparing for discussions in the
NEC on strategic governance matters, and in work around Election manifestos
and policy review and development.
The implementation of the NGC decision on the Policy Institute will
go a long way towards strengthening our overall policy capacity, and work
has started towards the creation of the institute with the establishment
of the Stalwarts Research Trust.
Assessment of the NEC and NWC
The performance of the NEC and NWC during this period must firstly
be measured against the requirements we set for leadership collectives generally.
First amongst these are that as a revolutionary movement, the ANC needs
revolutionary leadership. This required of individual members of the NEC
to understand the policy of the movement, and to be able to apply it under
all conditions under which they found themselves. NEC members were also
required to constantly improve their capacity to serve the people, to be
in touch with our people, listen to their views and learn from them. They,
even more so than any of our leadership collectives, were required to be
accessible and flexible, to win the confidence of members and our people
in their day-to-day work; to be firm when the situation demanded and have
the courage to explain positions of the collective, even if such decisions
As a collective, we also measure the performance of the NEC against the
duties and obligations set out in the Constitution of the ANC. The NEC had
to give leadership and take responsibility for the movement as a whole,
and the unfolding processes of social change that it is given direction,
coordinated and ensuring that the entire structures of the movement are
mobilised towards the tasks of the moment.
- In carrying out the mandate entrusted to it by Conference, the strengths
of the NEC and NWC included:
- Ensuring that provincial and regional structures function effectively,
with NEC deployees in most instances playing a positive role to assist
with political cohesion and the challenges facing PECs and ensuring dynamic
contact with structures through the NWC visits and Regional General Councils
addressed by NEC members.
- Decisively acting where problems arose, whether it was in the NEC as
a collective or individual members or in provinces, to identify the cause
of the problems, to decide on solutions, to safeguard the integrity of
the movement and to involve membership in finding lasting solutions to
- As a collective, it was characterised by a spirit of robust debate,
democracy, openness and honest engagements on political, organisational
and policy issues before the movement. It allowed for the expression of
all views, and for engagement on all issues, no matter how controversial
- Ability to give leadership to our people on the process of transformation
and nation-building and to give hope to our people that though transformation
may be slow, the movement is making progress and is committed to speeding
up the process of creating a better life for all.
- Whilst the majority of NEC members have other major responsibilities
in their areas of deployments, the NEC as a collective and the majority
of individual members have been able to fulfil their responsibilities
and duties as NEC members.
- The Officials and NWC have functioned as a united and cohesive unit,
and in general was able to respond to organisational challenges, to monitor
and support work of lower structures, to deal with matters of governance
as they arise and to process matters for the NEC. The Officials and NWC
also regularly accounted to the NEC on work done.
- The process of internal renewal over the five years, through co-option,
internal debates, engagements with structures, the diversity of ideas
in the NEC and with the National General Council, provided ample opportunity
for midterm reflection.
- Ensuring that provincial and regional structures function effectively,
- Weaknesses of the NEC and NWC as collectives included:
- Although it had regular political discussions, more needs to be done
to strengthen ideological clarity in the NEC.
- Insufficient interaction of NEC members, often because of other responsibilities,
with lower structures, which deployees tended to restrict to attending
PEC and PWC meetings. Although many comrades worked hard in the provinces,
the lack of monitoring mechanisms meant that some comrades got away with
not honouring their deployment commitments.
- A tendency amongst some members to place individual popularity above
that of the collective, and often the movement. This was manifested in
incidences of public spats between NEC members and leaking and distorting
discussions of the movement to the media.
- Undermining the cohesiveness and culture of debate in the movement by
not having the courage of conviction to raise matters within the structures
of the movement for debate, but to raise it elsewhere, under the guise
that there is no culture of debate in the movement.
- Lack of initiative by the majority of NEC members to engage as ANC
leaders in the public debates, explaining the policies and decisions of
the movement; and a tendency to leave communication on ANC positions to
- There is room for improvement with regard to the deployment of NEC
members to assist in the lower structures. These failures to honour deployments
led to disappointment and demoralisation of our structures. The weaknesses
of some of our NEC policy committees also undermined our ability to effectively
engage with policy matters.
- The NWC mainly allocated tasks and responsibilities to those serving
on the NWC, and could have done more to involve the broader NEC membership.
- Some NEC members are regarded or regard themselves as provincial leaders
first, despite having been elected by the Conference to lead the movement
as part of the national leadership of the ANC and to do work in other
- Perception that the national leadership has certain preferences for
provincial leadership, and although this in most cases is not true, it
does contribute to divisions in provinces.
- Insufficient attention to fundraising, and ensuring the financial sustainability
and capacity of the movement to respond to the demands of the time.
- A shift amongst our people, where more and more, those in government
are seen as the leadership of our people, rather than the leadership of
the ANC as represented by the NEC. This is in a large part as a result
of how NEC members carry out their work as leadership of the ANC, and
not only of government.
- Although it had regular political discussions, more needs to be done
These strengths and weaknesses are the result of a process of self-reflection
by the NEC of its own performance as mandated by the last Conference. The
membership of the movement, represented here by delegates from branches
and other structures, must themselves assess whether indeed the NEC has
fulfilled its obligation to give leadership to the movement over the last
Resignations: Since the Mafikeng Conference,
Cdes Tito Mboweni and Gill Marcus have been redeployed and resigned from
the NEC. Cdes Popo Molefe, Sbu Ndebele and Ngoako Ramatlhodi resigned as
they were elected as Provincial Chairpersons. Cdes Mac Maharaj and Limpho
Hani resigned due to other commitments, which made it difficult to fulfil
their duties as NEC members.
Ill-health: During the course of this term, cde
Joe Nhlanhla, who served on the NEC and NWC, and as Convenor of the Free
State NEC committee, suffered a stroke whilst on NEC duty in the Limpopo
province. As a result, and due to slow recovery, he has been unable to fulfil
his duties as a member of the NEC and NWC.
Deaths: We dip our banners in memory of Cdes
Alfred Nzo, Joe Modise, Steve Tshwete and Peter Mokaba who passed away.
Co-option: The NEC at its meeting of 19-22 February
1998, exercised the power contained in Rule 11.3 (f) of the Constitution,
when it co-opted comrades Ebrahim Ebrahim, Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, Thandi
Modise, Stella Sigcau and Manto Tshabalala-Msimang to the NEC.
Comrades Smuts Ngonyama, Candith Mashego, January Masilela, Dipuo Peters,
Jomo Khasu and Thabang Makwetla were co-opted as replacements to fill
vacancies on the NEC in accordance with Rule 11.3 (g) of the Constitution.
Serving members of the National Executive Committee
- President Thabo Mbeki
- Deputy President Jacob Zuma
- National Chairperson Patrick Lekota
- Secretary General Kgalema Motlanthe
- Deputy Secretary General Thenjiwe Mtintso
- Treasurer General Mendi Msimang
- Ex-officio Nelson R. Mandela
- Asmal, Kader
- Bengu, Sibusiso
- Chabane, Collins
- Chikane, Frank
- Cronin, Jeremy
- Dexter, Phillip
- Didiza, Thoko
- Dipico, Manne
- Duarte, Jessie
- Ebrahim, Ebrahim
- Erwin, Alec
- Fraser-Moleketi, Geraldine
- Ginwala, Frene
- Godongwana, Enoch
- Hanekom, Derek
- Hani, Limpho
- Jordan, Pallo
- Kasrils, Ronnie
- Kgositsile, Baleka
- Khasu, Jomo
- Mabandla, Brigitte
- Macozoma, Saki
- Madikizela-Mandela, Winnie
- Maduna, Penuell
- Makhaye, Dumisani
- Makwetla, Thabang
- Manuel, Trevor
- Mapisa-Nqakula, Nosiviwe
- Mashego-Dlamini, Candith
- Masilela, January Che
- Masondo, Amos
- Matsepe-Casaburri, Ivy
- Mkhatshwa, Smangaliso
- Mkhize, Zweli
- Mlambo-Ngcuka, Phumzile
- Modise, Joe
- Modise, Thandi
- Moleketi, Jabu
- Moosa, Mohammed Valli
- Mthembi-Mahanyele, Sankie
- Mufamadi, Sydney
- Myakayaka-Manzini, Mavivi
- Naidoo, Jay
- Netshitenzhe, Joel
- Ngonyama, Smuts
- Nhlanhla, Joe
- Nqakula, Charles
- Nzimande, Blade
- Omar, Dullah
- Pahad, Aziz
- Pahad, Essop
- Peters, Dipuo
- Radebe, Jeff
- Ramaphosa, Cyril
- Shilowa, Mbhazima Sam
- Sigcau, Stella
- Sisulu, Lindiwe
- Sisulu, Max
- Skweyiya, Zola
- Tshabalala-Msimang, Manto
- Yengeni, Tony
- Zuma, Nkosazana
EX-OFFICIO MEMBERS AT THE TIME OF 51ST CONFERENCE
Stofile, Makhenkesi Chairperson
Maxegwana, Humphrey Secretary
Magashule, Ace Chairperson
Matosa, Pat Secretary
Makhura, David Secretary
Molefe, Popo Chairperson
Ngwenya, Siphiwe Secretary
Rasool, Ebrahim Chairperson
Skwatsha, Mcebisi Secretary
Mahlalela, Fish Chairperson
Mello, Lucas Secretary
Ramathlodi, Ngoako Chairperson
Mathale, Cassel Secretary
Ndebele, Sibusiso Chairperson
Gcabashe, Sipho Secretary
Mompati, Neville Secretary
Dlamini, Bathabile Secretary General
Gigaba, Malusi President
Mbalula, Fikile Secretary General
- Balfour, Ngconde
- Botha, Ntombazana
- Direko, Winkie
- Du Toit, Dirk
- Gillwald, Cheryl
- Hendrickse, Lindiwe -
- Mabudafhasi, Joyce
- Mafolo, Titus
- Nhleko, Nathi
- Mdladlana, Membathisi Shepherd
- Mpahlwa, Bongani, Mandisa
- Mushwana Lawrence
- Pandor, Naledi
- Ramathlodi, Ngoako
- Routledge-Madlala Nozizwe
- Shabangu, Susan
- Surty, Enver
- Eggenhuizen, Toine
- Mabasa, Lucky
- Manana, Naph
Serving members of the National Working Committee
President Thabo Mbeki
Deputy President Jacob Zuma
National Chairperson Mosioa Lekota
Secretary General Kgalema Motlanthe
Deputy Secretary General Thenjiwe Mtintso
Treasurer General Mendi Msimang
Winnie Madikizela-Mandela (ANCWL President)
Malusi Gigaba (ANCYL President)
Smuts Ngonyama (Head of Presidency)
Nelson R. Mandela (Ex-officio)
L. Operations and administration
The 50th National Conference resolved on strengthening the full-time capacity
of the ANC, at HQ and in the provinces. Taking forward this resolution,
the NEC confirmed the deployment of the Secretary General, Deputy Secretary
General and Treasurer General on a full-time basis to HQ. It further appointed
cde Smuts Ngonyama as Head of Presidency (and subsequently co-opted him
onto the NEC), and cde Mavivi Myakayaka-Manzini as Head of International
and Policy in a full-time capacity. This brought the number of full-time
NEC members deployed at HQ to five. This number was increased to six in
2001, with the appointment of the late cde Peter Mokaba as Elections Manager.
The NWC also implemented an Organisational review in 1998, and on the
basis thereof, Headquarters and provinces were restructured. The main objectives
of the restructuring process was to increase and strengthen the programme
staff component at Headquarters and to ensure that proportionally more staff
are employed at provincial and regional levels, than at Headquarters.
Further structures were put in place at national and provincial levels,
to improve coordination of the implementation of our organisational action
plan (Table G). Since 1999, annual National Implementation Forums with all
ANC programme staff nationally have been convened, to plan the implementation
of the organisational action plan. The Secretaries Forum, consisting of
the SGO and Provincial secretaries also met before every NEC to discuss
organisational matters. During this period we have also conducted management
training for provincial secretaries and the national management team.
The ANC moved its Headquarters from 51 Plein Street to 54 Sauer Street,
Johannesburg at the end of 2000. With the realignment, regional offices
were rationalised and changed to reflect the new demarcations. In addition,
it was agreed that Regional Secretaries will be full-time and steps will
to be taken to strengthen regional offices. The process of employing regional
organisers for each of the Leagues, as they complete their realignment process,
has also started.
- Amongst the challenges facing the movement with regard to our full-time
personnel capacity at all levels, with better paid opportunities elsewhere
and limited possibilities for upward mobility, is the ability to attract and
maintain experienced and skilled comrades in the movement. However, notwithstanding
this challenge, the ANC has a core of full time revolutionaries who have served
the organisation in implementing its historic mission.
- Another challenge is the need to strengthen the capacity and financial
resources of the ANC, in view of the challenges that we have outlined and
the tasks which will emerge from this Conference.
We recognised at Mafikeng that whereas the 1994 breakthrough ushered in
a completely new environment in the entire existence of the ANC, it has
taken the organisation some time to determine how to operate within this
new context. The NGC observed that among the attributes, which make the
ANC unique as a political movement, is its ability to amongst others, "internally
renew and redefine itself when the situation so demands." It thus also
called for the modernising of the ANC to face the new challenges ahead.
The NEC Lekgotla in January 2001 therefore decided that a comprehensive
review of our organisational design be done. On that basis, an Organisational
design task team was appointed in 2002, to examine the factors that impact
on the capacity of the movement to fulfil all the tasks we have set out
above, and what we need to do to strengthen and enhance that capacity.
We have made progress since the last Conference to build the ANC as an
agent for change. However, we are faced with many challenges, which this
report has highlighted. National Conference as the parliament of our people
must therefore grapple with all these issues. It must ensure that when we
emerge from this Conference, the ANC is stronger, more united and more resolved
to fulfil its historic mission of a South Africa that belongs to all and
for the creation of a better life for all our people.