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AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

49TH NATIONAL CONFERENCE

STATE OF ORGANISATION

Bloemfontein 17-21 December 1994

FROM RESISTANCE TO RECONSTRUCTION & NATION-BUILDING

 

CONTENTS

  1. Organisational challenges since 1990
  2. Character of ANC
  3. Type of movement
  4. Present challenges
  5. Capacity of ANC
  6. Relations
  7. Conclusion

 

STATE OF ORGANISATION

The ANC as an organisation enters this conference far stronger than at any
time before in our history. Our strengths are numerous - as are our achievements
over the last couple of years. We have been principally responsible for
vanquishing apartheid and ushering in a new order of peace and democracy. The
work that has been done in regions, in branches and in the departments of the
organisation have had a cumulative effect in building our organisation and
determining the direction of this country.

In doing so we have overcome many difficult challenges and problems. Though
some problems continue to plague us. At the same time we are having to address a
new range of challenges brought on by the changing circumstances in which we
find ourselves. Only through identifying these challenges and being critical of
our own response to them will we be able to ensure that we become an even
stronger - and ultimately more effective - organisation.

ORGANISATIONAL CHALLENGES SINCE 1990

Over the past five years the ANC has faced enormous organisational challenges
- far beyond the routine tasks confronting a political movement in a relatively
normal situation.

Emerging from 30 years of illegality, we were confronted with the difficult
task of forging unity among several generations of cadres, schooled at different
sites in our struggle, and often with different political experiences. Our
present cadreship, therefore, has a diversity of experiences - exile, the army,
international or administrative work, long terms in prison, the underground, and
activism in broad social movements. This diversity is a great strength for our
movement.

The ANC has had to assume political responsibility for the destiny of our
country - carrying the burden of a government even before we were elected into
that position. It was a responsibility which we carried off with a great deal of
success.

During this period we also had to assume welfare and social responsibilities
for thousands of returnees and other victims of apartheid. This has been an
essential task, both in moral and political terms. But it has absorbed large
amounts of organisational effort and resources.

We were also faced with the task of major recruiting and organisational
consolidation of trying to build, more or less from scratch, a large mass-based
ANC, with an effective presence in every corner of the country.

At the same time we have had to address a whole package of new strategic
realities:

  • the post-1989/90 global situation, which dramatically changed the
    conditions under which national liberation movements would have to
    consolidate national self-determination and development;
  • the need to reorient ourselves strategically on the complex domestic
    terrain of a negotiated transition, while a low intensity conflict was being
    waged against us;
  • having to prepare ourselves to fight both our own and our country`s first
    ever non-racial elections;
  • having to prepare to govern, which included developing a relatively
    elaborate Reconstruction and Development Programme.

Restructuring after the 48th Conference

The 48th National Conference in 1991 noted the changed circumstances in which
the ANC had to operate, and accordingly instructed the NEC to immediately
examine the organisation`s structure, and to redefine the authority,
responsibility, accountability and relationships between and among the ANC`s
restructured departments.

Following the conference the NEC elected the National Working Committee (NWC)
and allocated specific responsibilities to each NWC member in line with the
structure approved by the NEC. This structure established three categories of
ANC, departments - political, policy and service. This was aimed at minimising
bureaucracy, sharpening lines of communication and enhancing accountability at
all levels of the organisation.

Our success in attaining these objectives has been mixed. While the new
structure helped to focus the work of each department on its functions the
coordination of the work of departments was extremely weak.

Strength of the organisation

The strengths of the ANC are both numerous and profound. They have sustained
the struggle over the last three and a half years, and lie at the heart of many
of our movement`s most significant victories.

Strong leadership

Our leadership has been tried and tested over many years of struggle. The
calibre of our leadership at several levels of the organisation is without doubt
the best our country has to offer. The lead taken by ANC cadres in government is
evidence of the depth of skills, creativity and application that is to be found
among our ranks.

Our president, Nelson Mandela - as an embodiment of all the fine qualities of
ANC leadership - is a tower of strength and an inspiration to all. The
leadership of our movement is noteworthy for its diversity of experience, age,
gender, skills and ethnic group.

Strong presence throughout the country

We are the only organisation that has an overarching presence throughout the
country. That is because the ANC - through its politics and its strategies - is
rooted very firmly within the everyday experiences of ordinary South Africans.
No other political party has achieved the depth of influence that the ANC has.

Sound policies

We are a movement of principle, and the policies we have developed over the
years have consistently pursued that principle. From the Freedom Charter through
to the Reconstruction and Development Programme, the ANC, has developed a
workable vision of a democratic South Africa. Apart from laying the basis for
the transformation of South African society, our approach to policy has also
attracted many people to the ANC.

Democratic culture

The democratic culture that endures in our movement is the envy of many
organisations. Not only is this organisational culture an important
manifestation of one of our guiding principles, it has also proved a source of
strength. Through democratic practice we have been able to harness the
collective wisdom and energy of our membership for the better of the
organisation. The culture of open debate and transparency in the organisation
has become a hallmark of the ANC.

We have also been very inclusive in our approach to dealing with issues,
including consulting with people and groups outside of the ANC on matters of
mutual importance. As a result our capacity to unite a broad range of forces has
been strengthened.

Strong alliance

Our alliance with Cosatu and the SACP - and the democratic movement as a
whole - has given us enormous strength. It has brought together a wealth of
talent, experience, energy and diversity behind a single purpose - the
establishment of a democratic order.

ANC shortcomings

Despite our immense success over the last three and a half years, our
organisation has a number of serious shortcomings at many levels of the
organisation.

Providing leadership

The 48th National Conference and subsequent regional conferences elected
strong and capable leaders. However the leadership did not always provide
decisive leadership at crucial moments. Individually, and as a collective, the
ANC`s leaders were often unable to respond promptly when the organisation was
foundering. And when it was forthcoming, this `leadership` too often took the
form of directives from the leadership, instead of processes which could empower
and provide guidance for our structures. This was as much a result of trying and
difficult circumstances as it was the fault of the national leadership.

Discipline in the organisation

The absence of a code of conduct for ANC members made it difficult to
exercise maximum discipline within our structures. In addition, the leadership
often failed to take appropriate action against members who breached the
principles and practice of the organisation. This contributed to a general mood
of ill-discipline in various areas at various times. Not only did instances of
ill- discipline prove embarrassing for the organisation, but they hampered the
proper functioning of our structures.

Over-concentration of responsibilities

Some of the national leaders were involved in too many functions, to the
detriment of many of the important tasks facing the organisation. The effect on
the organisation was particularly profound in the case of NWC members, including
the Secretary General and Deputy Secretary General, who were performing tasks
which allowed them only to give minimal attention to their departmental and
organisational responsibilities.

Lack of an effective cadre development policy

The centralisation of responsibilities was worsened by a failure to prepare a
`second layer` of leadership. The lack of an effective cadre development policy
has become more pressing since the movement of many leaders into government or
parliament. An organisation such as the ANC can only be strengthened if members
are developed and trained through political education programmes and active
engagement in the activities of the organisation.

Poor coordination by MWC and NEC

The NWC and NEC - which are supposed to operate as the engines of the
organisation - failed on occasion to coordinate the various structures of the
movement effectively. The effects of this lack of central coordination was felt
throughout the organisation, and contributed to though was not solely
responsible for - the general lack of coordination between structures at
headquarters, at regional and at branch level.

National leadership removed from grassroots

The national leadership was not closely linked to our grassroots structures,
but was concentrated at national headquarters. Because of the displacement
caused by imprisonment, exile and underground activities most of the national
leadership had been removed from the areas from which they came. The demands of
the period of negotiations and the attempt to establish powerful headquarters,
further removed leaders from their constituencies and based them in
Johannesburg. Our shortsightedness in this regard is evidenced by the poor state
of many of our regions and branches. The visits of national leaders prior to the
election to several parts of the country had a positive impact on our
structures, and demonstrates the importance of developing the link between
national leaders and the ANC on the ground.

Work lines of communication

Communication between national structures and the regions was extremely weak
and confused. That there was any communication at all was due more to the
efforts of individual comrades, than due to a developed system of communication.
We failed to set up effective systems of communication.

Lack of effective management

Effective management was lacking at national and regional level. There were
too many departments that were not properly managed. Many tended to be too
autonomous and lacked accountability. There was also a lack of sound management
practices at an everyday level. This reflects, among other things, the lack of
appropriate training within many of our departments.

Membership system

The failure of HQ to administer a functioning membership system capable of
making the organisation financially self-sufficient and giving us a correct
profile of our membership, has been a serious flaw. An effective membership
system is crucial to building organisation, as it can provide statistics which
enable us to strategise an approach to broadening our base. It is also central
to our functioning as a democratic organisation. An effective system can also
help with the membership renewal process.

Gender sensibility

While we adopted sound and progressive policies on affirmative action for
women, the movement failed to translate these policies into practice. Efforts to
involve women sufficiently in the key structures of the movement have not been
adequate. At the same time the development of women leadership has not
progressed as far as it should have. This has contributed to - and at the same
time, resulted from - an over-reliance on a few key women leaders.

Failure to build collective leadership

Because there was no conscious effort to build a collective approach to
leadership, particularly at regional level, the workload was not properly
distributed. It also contributed to a style of work which manifested itself
through cliques, factions, tensions and squabbles. Where efforts were made to
build collective leadership, the organisation benefitted a great deal.

Over-reliance on Head Office

An over-reliance on the national office developed within many regions - with
respect to resources, organisation building and political direction. This meant
that many issues were not dealt with effectively at a regional and branch level,
and led to many structures feeling disempowered and at times directionless.

Poor organisation in the rural areas

Our organising efforts tended to concentrate the major urban centres. Efforts
were made to develop the organisation far more in rural areas - and made
significant progress in some areas - but these efforts were hampered by the lack
of rural infrastructure, on the one hand, and an urban-centric method of
organisation, on the other.

Involvement of minority groups

Our failure to have minorities participating in the structures of the
movement in a substantial way has limited our capacity to unite a broad section
of the South African population behind our programme. It has also opened up
space for groups like the NP to erode our support base and promote its
`readjusted` racism.

Building alliances

Despite its centrality to change in this country, the Tripartite Alliance did
not function as effectively as it could have. A major shortcoming was the lack
of co-ordination between the elements of the alliance, as well as the inability
to build the alliance at local level and in many regions. Similarly, the
effectiveness of the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) was limited to specific
periods - and was often reactive, rather than pro-active. The co- ordination of
MDM formations and a consistent, coherent programme for transformation and
reconstruction need to be pursued as a matter of priority.

The performance of the ANC of this period was not uniform, and clear phases
are discernible. For example, the periods of mass action saw a substantial
upswing in the strength of our organisation on the ground. Similarly, the
election saw a large growth in membership and greater activity in branches.
Despite their importance, these shifts were largely of temporary nature - as the
lull after the election has demonstrated.

CHARACTER OF ANC

As we assess our strengths and weaknesses we need to examine our capacity to
unify and consolidate our base, and relate it to the reality of the ANC in the
new situation. The strength of our base should not just be a question of
quantity - numbers of members, numbers of branches. It is also, critically, a
question of the social composition of the ANC. We need to examine who is in the
ANC? Are we dominated by younger people, at the expense of alienating older
people? Is our membership mainly concentrated in urban and peri-urban areas to
the detriment of the rural areas? Are our ranks dominated by African urban
"insiders" or by squatter camp residents? Are organised workers active
in the ANC, or is there a tendency to see COSATU alone as their organisation?
What proportion of our members are women? What kind of ethnic balance do we
have?

The election results provide some important insights into where the ANC has
the greatest support. For example, 97 percent of the ANC`s vote came from
African voters. Two percent came from coloured voters, 0.76 percent from Indian
voters and 0.26 percent from white voters. Understandably, our support is most
deeply rooted in the African majority. This does not preclude the ANC from
broadening this support base substantially among Indian, white and coloured
voters. Nor does it prevent us from consolidating our African support.

We need to examine the effect of the composition of the ANC`s support on our
policies, our organisational capacity, our coherence and our unity. In this we
need to examine not only the "ethnic" composition of the ANC, but our
class, gender, religious and cultural composition.

As we build in the future we need to recruit and consolidate strategically,
with a clear picture of the core social composition of our movement. In doing
this, we must not be guided by a mechanistic representivity. While the ANC is
and must be a nationally representative movement, it would be misguided to try
to reproduce a mechanical and proportional reflection of class, ethnic and
national realities in our country. Rather, the social composition of the ANC
must be built around the ANC`s ongoing strategic transformational objectives,
around a strategic perspective of the class and national forces most capable of
driving reconstruction and development.

TYPE OF MOVEMENT

Vanguard of broad liberation movement

The ANC remains the vanguard of the broad South African liberation movement.
Despite its position as the leading force in government, the central function of
the ANC remains unchanged.

It needs to continue, in the new circumstances of reconstruction and
nation-building, to be a broad political movement, home of the historically
oppressed and democratic forces. It needs to be a national liberation movement
capable of mobilising and leading the great majority of South Africans in the
ongoing effort to transform, reconstruct and develop our country. Its
contestation of formal political power needs to be merely an aspect - albeit a
crucial aspect - of the broad function of the ANC.

Dominant party in government

The ANC is now the dominant party in government. We have, as a critical task,
to ensure that the ANC enhances its capacity to govern effectively,
transparently and professionally.

Although we govern within the framework of a Government of National Unity, we
cannot cling to the excuse that power-sharing prevents us from governing
effectively and achieving our objectives. As the overwhelmingly dominant party
in government we must - and the broad public expects us to - assume real
political responsibility and lead the country.

As the effective ruling party there are new tendencies and imperatives at
work within the membership of our organisation. More than ever; positions within
the ANC offer career paths and professional opportunities. We must not adopt a
merely negative and moralistic view of these developments. We certainly need to
guard against the impact on our organisation of the most narrow forms of
individual careerism and self-advancement. But we must also encourage and help
to develop thousands of loyal ANC cadres capable of playing an effective and
professional role in government. Rather than swimming against the tide, or
pretending that there are not new social tendencies at work within our
organisation, we need to develop career paths and professional standards for our
cadres, including those who are in the full-time employ of the ANC.

Electoral capacity

The ANC must also consolidate its electoral capacity. We are a political
movement functioning within the context of a multi-party democratic
dispensation. In 1995 we will be faced with local government elections, and in
1999 we will probably be confronted with constituency based elections. In many
ways, 1995 and 1999 will challenge our local, on-the-ground electoral capacity
much more than in April this year.

PRESENT CHALLENGES

Governance

Institutional challenges

In trying to implement ANC policy from our new positions within government
and the legislatures we have encountered many complexities. These include:

  • the largely unreconstructed machinery of state, with all the problems of
    integrating several civil services, incompetence, unsuitability, and in many
    cases unwillingness to work effectively in the framework of a new
    dispensation;
  • the reality that many communities in our country are, in fact, simply not
    served by any administrative machinery whatsoever;
  • the special challenges presented by the Government of National Unity
    dispensation. It re quires establishing the right balance between
    maintaining inter-party cabinet unity and ensuring clear policy formulation
    and implementation on the basis of the mandate an overwhelming maJority of
    South Africans have given to the ANC;
  • the difficulties of strategic management over the legislative process,
    ensuring that legislation put before parliament and the regional
    legislatures is appropriate to the most pressing needs of the time.

Ungovernability

All of these institutional challenges to governance occur within a broader
national and social context in which governability itself is relatively
precarious. The liberation movement is often blamed for the general climate of
ungovernability. Yet, the principal blame lies with decades of illegitimate and
often brutal minority rule.

As a result we now have to deal with a mass constituency in which there is
not always strong traditions of paying for services, and the like.

However, it is not just the historically oppressed who have developed a
culture of resistance to governance. White collar crime; tax evasion by high
income-earners and corporations; illegal currency exports; and attempted bribery
of government officials are all rife within our society.

Inter-ANC challenges

In trying to govern effectively we are having to deal, then, with inherited
institutional and social problems. But some of the difficulties of governance we
have experienced in the past few months need to be located more squarely within
the ANC itself. These include:

  • Iack of adequate cadres with management experience;
  • tendencies, in some case, for ANC, ministers or deputy ministers to view
    the world from the narrow perspective of their particular ministries, at the
    expense of a broader ANC outlook;
  • strains between ANC policy for instance the commitment to openness and
    transparency and the particular, perceived requirements of a specific
    ministry (for example, confidentiality);
  • strains within the ANC between national and provincial level executives,
    between ANC ministers and ANC MEC`s;
  • different approaches to issues between the ANC parliamentary study groups
    and ANC-led parliamentary standing committees, and the relevant ANC minister
    or deputy minister.

There needs t.o he a balance between the ANC power in government and the
status and policies of constitutional structures of organisation

Thinly-spread leadership

The ANC is now spread out across a whole set of institutions - both
governmental and parliamentary. We find ourselves in these structures at both
the national and provincial level, and, increasingly, also in transitional local
government structures. Thousands of ANC cadres have been relocated in this
process. We are, therefore, now confronted with the additional challenge of
maintaining and deepening a common ANC strategic sense of purpose across this
very wide spread. This challenge is, of course, the result of major popular
victories. But, victory or not, it still presents organisational complexities.
These include:

  • real and potential disjunctures between the ANC, in different governing
    institutions, and between the ANC at different levels of government;
  • potential disjunctures between the national level (and most of the
    provinces) where the ANC is t.he dominant ruling party, and the two
    provinces in which we are simultaneously joint rulers and the main
    opposition;
  • the challenge of finding the correct balance between the ANC discharging
    its role as the ruling party of the nation, and the ANC, as the movement and
    mouthpiece of the historically oppressed majority - this is sometimes
    expressed as a "conflict" between reconciliation and constituency
    politics.

Reconstituted regional structures

The demarcation of provinces has meant that the ANC regions which have been
functioning for the last four years have had to be restructured into provincial
structures. These new structures have been given the extra task of managing
governance at a provincial level - a task which has stretched our human
resources, energy and skills to their limit.

Rebuilding branches

Some ANC branches have not taken well to the post-election period. The lack
of effective cadre development has been made glaringly obvious by the lack of
programmatic activity in most branches. With the lack of any obvious grassroots
priorities (as during the election) branches in many parts of the country have
effectively ceased to function. Others, fortunately, seem to be operating
despite the uncertainty.

Need for financial sustainability

ANC structures are having to operate in an environment where foreign funding
has dwindled to a trickle. The years of illegality have bred a dependence on
external funding which the ANC is finding difficult to escape from. No
comprehensive plans have been developed - at national, provincial and branch
level - to make the ANC financially self-sufficient.

Local government transition

The transition to democratic local government is proving to be drawn out and
fraught with problems. In many regions this process has been further complicated
by tensions between ANC and Sanco structures. These will only be resolved by
developing a common approach to local government and a clear definition of the
respective roles of our two organisations. Both the transition process and the
upcoming elections require an ANC which is strong at a local level and in which
there is effective coordination at a national and provincial level on the
subject of local government.

Strengthening the Alliance

The alliance of the ANC, SACP and Cosatu remains a central vehicle to the
transformation of society. The process of reconstruction will depend to a large
degree on our ability to over come the weaknesses within the alliance, improve
the co-ordination of the alliance at all levels and formulate coherent
programmes for the alliance.

CAPACITY OF ANC

Building organisation

Given the position the ANC occupies in the country -- within government and
within society generally - we need to build our capacity by exploiting our
strengths and addressing our weaknesses in order to meet the challenges which
face us.

National structures

The NEC must reflect in its composition the rich tapestry of the South
African social fabric, as its capacity to give direction to change will depend
to a large degree on its ability to keep a finger on the pulse of the nation.
Meetings of the NEC have to be spaced as to ensure that each meeting of the body
becomes less of a ritual, and more of an opportunity to debate issues in-depth
and take decisions which point the way forward for the myriad social forces
which look up to the ANC for guidance and leadership. The NEC has to improve its
capacity to implement decisions, and to monitor and evaluate such decisions.

As a body tasked with the day-to-day leadership of the organisation, the
National Working Committee needs to provide strategic direction to all aspects
of the organisation on an ongoing basis. The administrative function which it
increasingly came to play, needs to be evaluated. The Management Committee,
composed of the Secretary General, the Deputy Secretary General and the heads of
the various divisions, has, in the few months of its existence, been responsible
for the management of the organisation on a daily basis. There is a need for
proper coordination and clear demarcation of responsibilities between the NEC,
NWC and the Management Committee. The rationalisation of the 29 headquarters
departments into the seven divisions headed by the secretaries who make up the
Management Committee has already laid a sound basis for effective co-ordination.

Provinces

The first phase of the restructuring of regions into provinces has now been
completed. This process has not been without problems, including:

  • regionalism;
  • the dominance of "more powerful" regions over "weaker"
    ones within the new provincial structures:
  • gender imbalances;
  • the absence of the leagues from the process;
  • the demarcation of provincial boundaries in terms of the national interim
    constitution. The new provincial structures have largely been pre-occupied
    with their new role in government, paying little attention to the
    development of branch structures. Provinces - cashstrapped and short of
    skilled cadres - need to establish a balance between governing effectively
    and building branch structures (though the two are not mutually-exclusive).

Branches

The branches, as the basic organs of the ANC, are central to mobilising the
masses for active participation in the implementation of the RDP. To do this
branches need to focus on a number of issues:

  • developing clear and practical programmes and strategic direction;
  • proper political education and cadre development programmes;
  • establishment of RDP councils at a local level;
  • addressing resource shortages and taking initiatives to raise funds;
  • develop capacity to win local government elections;
  • mobilise around specific local issues;
  • provide leadership in communities and foster alliances

Deployment of MPs and MPLs

MPs should continue to be seen as ANC cadres deployed in the various
legislatures. Therefore, their continued link with ANC branches is both
necessary and crucial. The deployment of MPs to build the organisation at
grassroots level needs to be focussed on the areas of weakness within the
organisation. The work of the deployed MPs should be coordinated by the
necessary structures of the organisation, with regular reports being sent to the
NEC, NWC and relevant PECs.

Code of Conduct for elected members

The recent adoption of a Code of Conduct for ANC representatives in
government will pro vide guidelines for ensuring maximum accountability of MPs
and MPLs to the constitutional structures of the organisation. It also helps to
clarify the relationship between our representatives in government and our
organisation - though it is not sufficient in itself to address some of the
problems of co-ordination of governance.

Staff development

The development of many of our cadres who were in the full-time employ of the
ANC into various sites has resulted in the relocation of 600 comrades from the
ANC. In spite of the enormous restructuring problems we faced, we were fortunate
that we did not have to retrench any staff member on a compulsory basis. The
development of staff stands out as a priority if the organisation is to meet
some of the demands that are being made on it.

Leagues

The respective roles of the Youth League and the Women`s League in building
the ANC and advancing its programme needs to be reviewed. The strengths which
these two leagues can bring to the ANC have not been effectively utilised,
largely because of the lack of a coherent strategy around the leagues and a lack
of resources. The strengthening of the leagues at all levels must be a major
task of the organisation in the coming period.

Resources

We are confronted with the reality of having to develop an internal financial
capacity. Unlike the NP which abused state resources and assets for its own
operations as a political party for over forty years, our morality and political
ethos preclude us from this despicable act. Therefore, it is necessary that we
assume responsibility for the fortunes of our organisation. Some of the things
which will have to be considered are the following:

  • firming up and perhaps constitutionalising the collection of levies from
    MPs, Premiers and cabinet ministers;
  • extending this practice to all employed ANC, members;
  • improving our membership system and mailing annual subscriptions an
    enforced condition for ANC membership, and developing the capacity of our
    branches to follow-up on subscriptions;
  • making fundraising part of our lives, from t.he branch right Up to the
    NEC;
  • establishing and running income-generating projects;
  • the idea of ln ANC Club needs to be revisited and widely canvassed among
    ANC members.

At the same time we need to introduce in the whole movement proper management
of our financial and other assets. Stricter control mechanisms need to be put in
place in pursuit thereof. More importantly we need to eradicate mismanagement
and gross negligence in the handling of our meagre resources.

Governance

The principal mechanism to improving our performance in government is the
qualitative strengthening of our organisation at all levels - for it is only
through a strong and active ANC that we c an hope t.o have an effective and
accountable government. Because of our newness to government and the importance
of our effective performance to the transformation of South African society, it
is necessary to pay some attention to our approach to governance.

When considering the ANC`s new role in government certain principles should
be noted:

  • although we are governing in the context of a GNU dispensation, and
    although we have inherited many complex often obstructive legacies, we have
    received a huge majority mandate to govern as the ANC;
  • we are one ANC, located across several institutional and social sites;
  • all ANC members, regardless of where they are located, are subject to ANC
    discipline and ANC policy;
  • the highest policy-making structures of our organisation remain Conference
    and the National Executive Committee;
  • the authority of the ANCÕs constitutional structures needs to be
    understood in the context of the lay-to-day demands of governing. This
    should never excuse failing to implement ANC policy where applicable.

Coordination of governance

As noted the approach of the ANC to government lacks coordination and
strategic planning. The relationship between ANC constitutional structures (NEC,
NWC, PECs and BECs and ANC representatives in government (caucuses, ministers,
deputy ministers, etc.) needs to be more clearly defined, so l hat the policies
of the organisation can effectively guide the formulation of government policy.

The Legislatures and the Government Co-ordination divisions of the ANC are
central to this function. They provide the daily co- ordinating point for all
ANC representatives in government, parliament and in the legislatures. They need
to he developed and their functions clearly defined.

At the same time the ANC, should explore bringing the different aspects of
the organisation and sectors of the MDM together in co- ordinating forums around
specific areas of governance. The local government Co-ordinating Forum is an
example of such. The forums would comprise relevant ANC representatives in
government at. national and provincial level) and appropriate representatives
from ANC constitutional structures and departments. The function of these forums
should be to coordinate the ANC`s role in government, and between government and
the broader ANC-led movement; and to monitor the passage of legislation and the
implementation of government programmes. For these forums to function
effectively there needs to be adequate and consistent representation from ANC
people in government in particular.

The composition, structure and function of the NWC and NEC respectively
should be reviewed in the light of their importance to giving direction to our
role in government.

Caucuses

The national and provincial caucuses have to more strategic use of our
majorities to secure the legislation necessary for the implementation of the RDP
and the transformation of government. To this end caucus agendas need t.o be
more focussed on steering the legislative process in a strategic manner:

Implementing RDP

There are shortcomings in our approach to the implementation of the RDP
through government. A tendency has developed within government and in society
broadly to restrict responsibility for implementing the rdp to the Office of the
Minister with Portfolio. As a consequence it is proving difficult to integrate
the RDP into functions of government departments at all levels. The failure of
the ANC to sustain a coherent strategic approach to the RDP in all its
structures must be one of our greatest shortcomings in the post-election period.

RELATIONS

Tripartite Alliance and MDM

Our alliance partners, both within the Tripartite Alliance and within the
broader mass democratic movement, have also had to confront many of these new
realities. Like us, they too have had to redefine their roles and map out their
strategic objectives. Naturally, all of this reorientation, on their various
part.s and from our side, has thrown up new challenges and at times new strains
in our relations.

The ANC`s leadership role needs, of course, to be constantly won in practice,
and not merely asserted. The unifying strategic programme for the Tripartite and
for the broader MDM alliance needs to be the RDP.

In this regard, the RDP Council initiative involving the ANC and Tripartite
Alliance, SANCO, NECC, and a whole range of other membership based sectoral
organisations including religious formations) needs to be consolidated and
replicated at provincial and regional levels.

The ANC`s role in the past with regard to MDM formation.s has been
problematic. The occasions when the organisation has engaged with MDM formations
have largely be-n limited to interventions at times of crisis. There has not.
been a commitment from the ANC to engage in sectoral struggles through MDM
allies, nor to strengthen these structures through the deployment of cadres and
resources.

Patriotic Front and other alliances

While the Patriotic Front that was in operation during negotiations and in
the election represented an important broadening of the groupings and tendencies
within the democratic movement fold, the ANC has not made sufficient efforts to
draw in structures who outside the ANC-led movement have the potential to be
reactionary forces. The capacity of the ANC to diminish opposition to our
programmes relies on our ability to draw in such formations. This, however,
should not be done at the expense of our principles, policies or programmes.

CONCLUSION

In short, the ANC must be capable of uniting its governmental, parliamentary
and extra-governmental forces to jointly drive forward reconstruction and nation
building.

To be effective in all these spheres we need to devote energy and resources
to building cadreship, partly through systematic induction and political
education. But cadreship is not developed merely through education. As an
organisation we must also develop and lead clear RDP-oriented campaigns. The ANC
must assume central responsibility for galvanising and mobilising mass
participation in transformation programmes and struggles.

A vast amount of organisational rebuilding faces us. This needs to be the
responsibility of both full-time cadres and of all ANC members, be they
ministers, or MPs, or rank-and-file members. This organisational consolidation
must be based, as we have argued above, on a clear strategic understanding of
where we are coming from, and where we need to go.

We are indeed a powerful organisation. But it is necessary to critically
raise our weaknesses, not to demoralise our structures, but to put in place
mechanisms to strengthen our capacity to effect fundamental transformation of
society.

The move from resistance to reconstruction and nation-building requires real
renewal and innovation. But it also requires building on the national liberation
traditions of the African National Congress and on the broad mass constituency
we have always represented.